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В настоящей статье рассматривается и анализируется динамика изменения миграционной политики стран Европейского Союза и Западных Балкан сквозь призму третьей волны пандемии КОВИД-19, захлестнувшей Европу. Предлагаются пути и методы решения проблемы беженцев в странах Европейского союза с учетом новых вызовов времени.

The article deals with the issue of risk management in trade and economic interaction between Russia and the European Union countries as participants in global value chains (GCS). The authors attempt to identify, identify and classify the main risks that arise as a result of Russia's participation in international value chains together with the countries of the European Union. The emphasis is placed on the risks of including Russia in the GCC in the «ascending» version (based on value- added exports), that is, on the risks that are most controlled by the Russian side. The possibilities of managerial influence on these risks on the part of Russian economic policy actors are shown using the example of development institutions.

For several decades, the European Union has been steadily increasing its presence in Central Asian countries. The EU's interests in the region are due to a number of reasons, including the desire to expand its influence in the Central Asian countries, the high importance of the region as a transit corridor between Europe and China, the prospects for economic cooperation, and the importance of the region's energy potential. In May 2019 The European Union has presented a new Strategy for Central Asia, designed to intensify cooperation in a number of areas of interaction. The new strategy is aimed at both implementing these interests and expanding cooperation in a number of other areas.

The article attempts to econometric modeling of the influence of a complex of factors on the volume and dynamics of the economies of the member States of the European Union, taking into account their differentiation. The main results of the author's research are as follows. First, the fundamental coincidence of trends in the EU GDP dynamics with global trends and the presence of a strong negative impact on this dynamics of the global crisis of the late 2000s have been established. Secondly, it is once again confirmed that there is a significant differentiation between the founding States of the EU and the countries that joined it after 1990, expressed in a significant excess of macroeconomic indicators of the first group of countries of similar indicators of the second group. Thirdly, the difference between the combinations of factors influencing economic development in the two groups of EU countries is revealed, which once again testifies to the bloc nature of the EU structure.

The article considers the problem of non-recognition by member countries of the European Union, the Russian passports issued on the territory of the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol city, and the difficulty of obtaining a Schengen visa by citizens of these regions. The EU's position on this issue is a violation of human rights and contradicts the norms of international law. The authors suggest possible solutions to this problem.

This article examines social media as a relatively new tool of electoral and political activity aimed at creating a positive image of political parties and candidates to the European Parliament. In the modern world of politics it is becoming increasingly important due to such factors as the growing number of World Wide Web users, the decline in the traditional media popularity and the rapid spread of new media, as well as the transformation of the Internet space into the platform for active political interactions. The key role in realizing the task of forming political image belongs to political institutions (parties, state bodies), politicians and social activists, as well as population representatives. The analysis of the efforts of various political subjects in the social media roughly demonstrates three functions of this new phenomenon: social media as a turnout increase tool, as a tool of increasing the recognition of candidates and parties by population; as a tool of informing the population about political and electoral processes in society. Currently, the main obstacle for the strategic research in this area is the fact that social networking technologies are rapidly developing, that embarrasses in making long-term prediction on its use. In spite of the absence of recognized criteria giving the opportunity to evaluate political activity in social media, the key efficiency criteria and success factor is so called "permanent presence" of electoral activity subjects in the Internet. (author's abstract)

The dialogue between Russia and the European Union is a relationship between two major geopolitical actors, which has never been unambiguous and simple in history, although it is due to the proximity of the geographical location and mutual interest in long-term cooperation. The EU's cultural policy is quite pragmatic, in comparison with the significance of the factors of the economic space and the presence of the Euro zone, culture is not considered by Europeans as a binding factor in the development of the two countries. In order to enter the common European economic market, States are forced to apply for participation in cultural programs and grants funded by the EU.
The article emphasizes the idea that any attempts to block the development of national cultures will inevitably lead to conflicts. Only through culture is it possible to achieve true self-expression of each nation and dialogue among civilizations. The concept of «strategic culture» is considered as a tool of analysis and a way of knowledge, and identity and national character as a predisposition to a certain type of policy. As part of the study of strategic culture, the analysis of national ideology is of great practical interest.

At the governmental level, Russia and the European Union follow the course of a long-term strategic partnership, primarily in the fields of culture, education, science, and the humanitarian sphere. Large-scale challenges and the ongoing systemic transformation of the European Union add politicization and uncertainty to Russian-European relations. At the same time, cultural, scientific and humanitarian ties are seen as promising, and the Russian-European dialogue in the field of culture will promote and stimulate the expansion of Russia's cooperation with both EU member States and the EEU member States.

The article examines the cultural policy and cultural diplomacy of the European Union. It is proved that full-fledged cooperation between Russia and the European Union is possible only within the framework of a common humanitarian space – a value-ideological communication environment determined by equal and mutual respect of the participants and the nature of the relationship between the ideologies of independent international actors, excluding unilateral ideological expansion of any of the parties.

Становление Евразийского экономического союза в качестве одного из значимых полюсов развития современного мира возможно при условии расширения географии сотрудничества и успешного встраивания ЕАЭС в мировую архитектуру экономических отношений. Россия выступает локомотивом интеграционных процессов для стран ближнего зарубежья, и в этом контексте сотрудничество ЕАЭС с государствами и объединениями Латинской Америки и Карибского бассейна обладает огромным потенциалом, однако зависит от готовности России предложить странам региона масштабные интеграционные проекты на основе принципа единства экономических и политических интересов, сохранив за собой роль драйвера евразийской интеграции. Богатый опыт исторического сотрудничества России с Латино-Карибской Америкой является конкурентным преимуществом и позволит РФ развивать сетевые процессы гармонизации социально-политического, гуманитарного и культурного трансрегионального пространства. Евразийская экономическая комиссия зарекомендовала себя эффективной площадкой для старта политического и бизнес-диалога, а также расширения кооперационных связей между ЕАЭС и государствами Латино-Карибского региона.

The author analyses the European Union's foreign policy in Central Asia. He indicates the basic tendencies of development of the EU cooperation with the countries of Central Asian region. Further, the author analyzes the implementation of joint projects within the framework adopted by the Partnership Agreements. Based on a critical analysis, the researcher highlights a number of constraints to effective development of relations between the EU and Central Asian states. He carries out a structural analysis of conceptual documents of the European Union for the development of bilateral and multilateral relations with Central Asian countries in the region.

Scientific novelty of this work lies in the systematization of stages in the evolution of relations between the European Union and the countries of Central Asia. The author divides the formation of cooperation into four main stages.

The first stage of the relations between the EU and the countries of Central Asia includes conceptual framework of the legal regulatory structure of bilateral and multilateral cooperation.

The second stage is characterized by the realization of a number of joint projects in the field of transport communications, democratic transformations, regional security and stability.

The third stage of the relations is determined by acquiring of special geographical significance of the region of Central Asia resulting from the engagement of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan in 2001.

The fourth stage has begun in 2015 with the adoption of the EU Strategy for a New Partnership with Central Asia for 2017-2021.

These studies serve as a basis for developing some important proposals and recommendations for the improvement of the effectiveness of cooperation between the parties.

Debates on project of the European defense are already carrying on for a long time. By now many reasons exist to affirm the European Union visible progression to set up its own defensive component. But officially for the time being the question of creation of a military European union is not raised and the collective defense remains the exclusive prerogative of NATO.

This article focuses on the stages of development of the Eastern Partnership project, the European Union (EU) foreign policy strategy towards it and the role of Russia as a political competitor of the EU in the region. With the help of analyzing key documents that define the goals and objectives of the Eastern Partnership from the moment of its creation up to today, the features of the project initiative's way of development and the degree of the EU's involvement into political and economic processes of the Partnership states are pointed out. The research allows to clarify and evaluate the political background for the changes in the EU strategy towards the Partnership states and the principal incentives for the widening of cooperation within its framework. The main conclusion of the research is that the Eastern Partnership has grown in importance for the EU over time, especially since 2014, when the EU started to view Eastern Europe as one of the principal areas of influence and Russia as a direct competitor. The project has begun to include more and more spheres of political and economic cooperation, placing an emphasis on energy security, economic aid, and the development of civil society via European "soft power".

The article applies a multidisciplinary approach and investigates the viability of using an integrative characteristic of psychological security to assess macrosocial situation regionally and nationally. The paper is based on the data drawn from European Values Study (EVS). The countries and Russian federal districts were ranged according to the following parameters: subjective well-being, generalized trust, institutional trust, and psychological security. The results suggest that, compared with residents of other EVS member countries, the level of subjective well-being among Russians is extremely low. Only Bulgaria has a lower position. On the other pole of the scale are Switzerland, Iceland and Norway. In terms of generalized trust the list of 30 countries is headed by Denmark, with Albania at the bottom of the list. Unfortunately, Russia cannot be found among the countries with the highest levels of generalized trust. By European standards, Russia has an average level of institutional trust in the list, with Bulgaria at the bottom, and Norway remaining and the top. Of all participant countries, seven have lower levels of psychological security than Russia; Bulgaria and Albania have the lowest standings; the most favorable situation is in Finland and Norway. The study also reveals leaders and outsiders among Russian federal districts and describes strong and weak points of psychological security in Russia.