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Politična participacija je ključnega pomena za delovanje in razvoj koncepta demokracije, saj predstavlja orodje, prek katerega lahko državljani izvajajo pritiske na politično elito. To vlogo zavzema poleg konvencionalne tudi nekonvencionalna politična participacija. Osrednji poudarek bo namenjen protestni participaciji, ki se najpogosteje opredeljuje kot ena izmed kompleksnejših oblik kolektivne akcije, skozi katero državljani najvidneje izražajo svoja prepričanja, hkrati pa najbolj jasno odraža nezadovoljstvo državljanov. Osredotočili se bomo na protestno participacijo v obdobju ekonomske krize, ki je leta 2008 zajela države Evropske unije. V okviru empirične analize se tako osredotočamo na dejavnike, ki so v zastavljenem obdobju privedli do izbruha protestne participacije, pri čemer nas zanimajo predvsem različne kombinacije vzročnih poti, ki jih ti dejavniki tvorijo. Ključno raziskovalno vprašanje se nanaša na možne kombinacije pogojev, ki v obdobju ekonomske krize rezultirajo v prisotnosti ali odsotnosti protestov v državah EU. Te kombinacije tvorijo naslednji dejavniki: materialna deprivacija, brezposelnost, razvitost civilne družbe in razvitost demokracije. Empirična analiza temelji na kvalitativni primerjalni analizi (QCA) oziroma bolj specifično na crisp-set QCA. Slednjo se uporablja za obdelavo kompleksnejših binarnih podatkov, pri čemer je cilj poenostavitev teh podatkovnih struktur v preprost in logičen zapis. S pomočjo izbrane metode analize smo prišli do ugotovitve, da do zastavljenega izida ne vodi le en sam pogoj ali ena sama kombinacija pogojev, temveč nastane več raznolikih vzročnih poti, ki lahko rezultirajo tako v odsotnosti kot v prisotnosti izida (protestnih akcij). ; Political participation is crucial for the functioning and development of the concept of democracy, as it represents a communication tool through which citizens can exert pressure on the political elite. Besides the conventional form, unconventional political participation has this role, too. The main focus will be on protest participation, which is most often identified as one of the more complex forms of collective action, through which citizens most visibly express their beliefs ; at the same time it reflects dissatisfaction of citizens most transparently. The highlight will therefore be on protest participation in the period of economic crisis affecting the countries of the European Union since 2008. In the context of the empirical analysis we focus on factors that led to an outbreak of protest participation within the set period. We are particularly interested in the various combinations of causal paths formed by these factors. The key research question therefore refers to the possible combinations of conditions, resulting in the presence or in the absence of protests in EU countries in times of economic crisis. These combinations are formed by the following factors: material deprivation, unemployment, development of civil society and development of democracy. Empirical analysis is based on qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) or more specifically on the crisp-set QCA. The latter is used to process more complex binary data, the aim being to simplify these data structures into a simple and logical notation. By using the selected method of analysis, we came to the conclusion that not only one condition or a single combination of conditions leads to the set outcome. Rather there emerges a variety of causal paths, which can result in both the absence and in the presence of the outcome (protest actions).

Demokratični deficit je že več desetletji stalnica akademskih razprav o Evropski uniji. Vsebina raziskovanj se je skozi čas bistveno spremenila, ohranja pa se temeljna misel, da se demokracija v Evropski uniji sooča z velikimi težavami. Zaupanje Evropejcev v Evropsko unijo je nizko, podobno velja tudi za občutek povezanosti z njenimi organi, zato je očitno, da so spremembe nujno potrebne. Z vsako večjo reformo pride do sprememb, ki bistveno vplivajo na razmerja moči med evropskimi institucijami in na njihov odnos do Evropejcev. Najvidnejše spremembe v zadnjih desetletjih so krepitev moči Evropskega parlamenta, ki se je razvil v vplivno institucijo, uvajanje institutov neposredne demokracije in druge reforme, ki jih je prinesla Lizbonska pogodba. Napredek pa je, žal, na drugi strani uravnotežen s pojavom mehanizmov in institutov, ki demokratična varovala zaobidejo. To so na primer ukrepi, ki so bili sprejeti kot odziv na dolžniško krizo evroobmočja in v velikem delu sploh ne spadajo med formalne pristojnosti Evropske unije. V svojem magistrskem delu sem analiziral in kritično ovrednotil procese, ki so bistveno vplivali na ključne organe Evropske unije, njihove spreminjajoče se medsebojne odnose ter predvidene učinke aktualnih reform. Pregledal sem širok izbor literature preteklih desetletji in predstavil različna teoretska izhodišča, na podlagi katerih avtorji skušajo opredeliti in analizirati demokratični deficit in z njim povezane tematike. Ključna ugotovitev mojega magistrskega mojega dela ni le, da so aktualne reforme premalo ambiciozne in demokratičnega deficita ne morejo odpraviti, ampak predvsem da demokratični deficit ni le kategorija akademskih razprav, temveč je zelo močno politično orodje in odločilno usmerja razvoj Evropske unije. Demokratični deficit je zato stalnica evropske demokracije in ne more nikoli biti povsem odpravljen, saj se ob razvoju Evropske unije vedno znova pojavlja v drugačnih oblikah, ki terjajo nove reforme in kritične analize akademikov, intelektualcev, državljanov, politikov in vseh drugih zainteresiranih strani. ; The democratic deficit has been a constant of all academic research on the European Union for the past few decades. While the scope of the research has changed considerably, the basic idea remains the same – democracy in the European Union is in serious trouble. Europeans' trust in the EU is low and the same goes for their connection with European institutions, therefore it is clear that changes are required. Every major reform alters the balance of power between European institutions and their relationship with European citizens. The most visible changes of the past decades are: the empowerment of the European parliament that has been transformed into an influential institution, the introduction of instruments of direct democracy and other reforms brought upon by the Treaty of Lisbon. Unfortunately, progress is balanced out by the emergence of various mechanisms and instruments that surpass all democratic checks and balances. For example, the measures that were adopted as a response to the European debt crisis were mostly not based on formal competencies of the EU. In my Master's thesis I analysed and critically evaluated the processes that crucially influenced the most significant European institutions, their ever-changing relationships and the anticipated effects of the current reforms. I examined a substantial body of literature from past decades and presented diverse theoretical starting points that the authors use to define and analyse the democratic deficit and related topics. The most significant finding of my Master's thesis is not only that the current reforms lack ambition and cannot eliminate the democratic deficit, but also that the democratic deficit is more than just a category of academic research and can often act as a strong political tool that decisively influences the development of the European Union. Therefore, the democratic deficit is a permanent element of European democracy and can never be fully eliminated as it always reappears in new forms that require constant reforms and critical analysis by academia, intellectuals, citizens, politicians and other stakeholders.

Skrajno desne ideje so v evropskem prostoru prisotne že stoletja. Včasih zaradi določenih situacij pridejo na plano, v kratkem pa potem tudi izginejo. Evropska unija, ki se je izgradila na pogorišču skrajnih idej in sistemov, se je ponovno srečala s težko situacijo. V letu 2008 je staro celino zajela svetovna finančna kriza, ki je do temeljev pretresla dotedanjo uspešno evropsko integracijo in pri tem obudila skrajne ideje. Finančni krizi je po nekaj letih sledila migrantska, ki je že tako težko situacijo naredila še težjo. V določenih državah so se začele prebujati skrajne populistične in nacionalistične ideje, ki so krivca za nastalo situacijo iskale znotraj Evropske unije, v njenih institucijah in migrantih, ki so zaradi različnih razlogov prihajali v varno Evropo. Vzpon skrajno desnih strank je imel v posameznih državah različne motive, zakaj je stranka prišla na oblast oz. je imela v državi velik pomen. Vprašanje, ki se pojavlja ob trenutni situaciji v Evropski uniji, je, kako bodo skrajne ideje vplivale na nadaljnjo integracijo oz. dezintegracijo Evropske unije. ; Far-right ideas have been present in the European area for centuries. Certain situations cause them to emerge every now and then, before they disappear again not long after. The European Union, which was built on the ruins of radical ideas and political systems, is once again facing this menacing threat. In 2008, the old continent was hit by the global financial crisis, which shook the so far very successful European integration to its core and began to awake certain extremist notions. After a few years, the financial crisis was followed by the migrant crisis, which had since only exacerbated the situation. Populist and nationalist ideas, which were starting to resurge in some European countries, were looking for a scapegoat for the new state of affairs in the European Union and within the walls of its institutions and migrants, who were arriving into safe Europe for various reasons, made for a perfect target. The rise of far-right political parties had different motives in individual countries, regardless whether a particular party seized power or simply grew in prominence. The question that the European Union is facing at the moment is how these extremist ideas will influence further integration or disintegration of Europe.

V obsežni raziskavi smo identificirali ključne sektorje gospodarstev držav EU. Sektorske multiplikatorje smo lahko izračunali za 16 držav članic EU(Avstrijo, Belgijo, Češko, Nemčijo, Dansko, Finsko, Francijo, Veliko Britanijo, Grčijo, Irsko, Italijo, Litvo, Nizozemsko, Poljsko, Portugalsko in Slovenijo). Medtem ko ni bilo možno izračunati sektorskih multiplikatorjev za 12 držav članic EU(Bolgarijo, Ciper, Estonijo, Hrvaško, Latvijo, Luksemburg, Madžarsko, Malto, Romunijo, Slovaško, Španijo in Švedsko), ker matrike niso imele definiranega inverza. V analizi smo ugotovili, da so najbolj odporni na krizo sektorji, ki so v daljšem obdobju v opazovanem gospodarstvu imeli največji vpliv na povezanost za nazaj in povezanost za naprej. V obdobju od leta 2001 do 2011 smo analizirali ključne sektorje v opazovanih 16 državah članicah EU. Ugotavljali smo podobnosti in razlike v spreminjanju medsektorskih povezav in s tem strukture gospodarstva v državah članicah Evropske unije. Identificirali smo tiste sektorje, ki so najbolj pripomogli , da so opazovane države članice Evropske unije čim prej okrevale po gospodarski in finančni krizi. ; In a large study, we identified key sectors of the economies of the EU. Sectoral multipliers, we can calculate the 16 EU Member States (Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Germany, Denmark, Finland, France, Great Britain, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal and Slovenia). While it was not possible to calculate the sectoral multipliers for the 12 EU Member States (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Estonia, Croatia, Latvia, Luxembourg, Hungary, Malta, Romania, Slovakia, Spain and Sweden), whereas the matrix did not have defined inverses. In the analysis, we found that the most resistant to the crisis sectors over a long period of observation economy had the greatest impact on the integration of back and forward integration. In the period from 2001 to 2011 were analyzed for key sectors in the observed 16 EU Member States. We seek to determine similarities and differences in changing cross-cutting links and the structure of the economy in the Member States of the European Union. We have identified those sectors that have most contributed to the observed Member States of the European Union as soon as possible to recover from the economic and financial crisis.

Vprašanje kolektivnih pravnih sredstev v Evropski uniji je v zadnjih letih zaradi pobud evropskih institucij pridobilo veliko pozornosti. V praksi se ja namreč pokazalo, da je intervencija Evropske unije na tem področju potrebna, saj se instituti kolektivne tožbe v državah članicah zelo razlikujejo. Razlikujejo se po vrsti kolektivne tožbe, ki je na voljo, aktivni legitimaciji, uporabi sistema vključitve ali izključitve, financiranja tožbe itd. Heterogenost na tem področju je problematična, saj niso vsi državljani držav članic Evropske unije deležni enake pravne zaščite v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. Različne ureditve držav članic pa imajo tudi negativni vpliv na enotni notranji trg. V nalogi sem analizirala izbrane postopke s kolektivnimi tožbami v državah članicah Evropske unije in osvetlila razlike med njimi. Ugotovila sem, da je ukrepanje organov Evropske unije potrebno, da se zagotovi ustrezno urejene in uravnotežene mehanizme, ki prispevajo k učinkoviti zaščiti in izvrševanju pravic v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. ; The issue of collective redress procedures in the European Union has received a great deal of attention in recent years due to initiatives by the European Union institutions. In practice, however, it has become clear that the European Union intervention in this area is necessary, as institutes of collective redress vary greatly from one-Member State to another. They differ in type of collective action available, legal standing, use of an opt-in or an opt-out system, financing of the action, and so on. Heterogeneity in this area is problematic, as not all citizens of the Member States of the European Union enjoy equal legal protection in cases of mass harm. Moreover, different Member States arrangements also have a negative impact on the single internal market. In this thesis, I have analysed selected collective redress procedures in the Member States of the European Union and highlighted the differences between them. I have identified the need for actions by the European Union institutions to ensure that mechanisms are properly regulated and balanced to contribute to the effective protection and enforcement of rights in cases of mass harm.

Magistrska naloga se ukvarja z vprašanjem dejanskega in ne zgolj deklarativnega strateškega partnerstva med Evropsko unijo in Rusko federacijo. Dobri odnosi so namreč ključnega pomena v luči pogajanj o novem sporazumu. Ruska federacija je ena izmed najpomembnejših gospodarskih partnerk Evropske unije. Ta povezanost ju sili, da skušata kljub ne vedno enakim in včasih celo nasprotujočim si pogledom globalne in regionalne izzive reševati z medsebojnim sodelovanjem. Magistrska naloga podrobno predstavi odnose med Evropsko unijo in Rusijo ter analizira dejavnike, ki prispevajo tako k pozitivnemu razvoju odnosov kot k naraščanju napetosti. Na podlagi analize magistrsko delo zaključi z ugotovitvijo, da se soodvisnosti med partnerkama ni mogoče izogniti in da je napočil čas, da konfliktne predpostavke izkoristita kot možnosti za poglobljeno sodelovanje in vzpostavitev stabilnih politik za reševanje skupnih izzivov. ; The thesis discusses the question of actual and of not just declarative strategic partnership between the European Union and Russian Federation. Good relations are namely key in the light of negotiations on the new agreement. Russian Federation is one of the most important economic partners of the European Union. Despite not always equal and sometimes even divergent positions this relation forces them to solve global and regional challenges with cooperation. The relationship between the European Union and the Russian Federation is presented in great detail. Individual factors, which contribute to a positive development of relations on the one side and to the increase of tensions on the other, are also analyzed. On the basis of the analysis the thesis concludes that interdependence is inevitable and therefore the time has come to turn conflicting suppositions into possibilities of profound cooperation and establishment of stable politics to cope with common challenges.

Evropska unija se je na pragu leta 2011 začela srečevati s prvimi begunci, ki so pribežali z bojnih območjih Sirije in drugih držav Bližnjega vzhoda ter islamskih držav Severne Afrike in skušali ujeti svojo svobodo, osebno varnost in prihodnost prav v državah članicah Evropske unije. Politična kriza in vojna na Bližnjem vzhodu nista pojenjali, še več, vsak dan je na tisoče ljudi po sredozemskih in balkanski poti skušalo prebežati v Evropo. Evropska unija je leta 2015 z vrhuncem migracijskih tokov v Evropo doživljala najhujšo begunsko krizo po drugi svetovni vojni. Znašla se je pred hudim migracijskim vprašanjem, na katerega pa je sama našla odgovor v pomoči in sodelovanju Turčije – države, ki je pred 69 leti zaprosila za članstvo v Evropski uniji, vendar do danes še ni postala njena polnopravna članica. Turčija danes gosti največji delež sirskih beguncev na svetu – 3,6 milijona. Z Evropsko unijo sta po mnogih letih njunega intenzivnega političnega delovanja in diplomacije odprli novo poglavje sodelovanja, lahko bi ga poimenovala kar migracijsko sodelovanje, skovali sta skupno migracijsko politiko, le ta pa je bila ovekovečena 18. marca 2016 s podpisom izjave EU-Turčija, katere namen je bil ustaviti tok nedovoljenih migracij preko balkanske poti iz Turčije v Evropsko unijo in ga nadomestiti z organiziranimi, varnimi in zakonitimi potmi v Evropo. Seveda ni ostalo zgolj in samo pri turški uslugi Evropski uniji, le-ta je bila za to pripravljena dobro plačati, skupno je Turčiji namenila tri milijarde evrov in ji obljubila še druge ugodnosti, med drugim vizumsko liberalizacijo. V Evropski uniji se danes nahaja več kot 1,8 milijona beguncev. Mnoge Evropejce skrbi za osebno varnost, Evropsko unijo pa za nacionalno in mednarodno, med najbolj rizične varnostne implikacije, ki so jih s seboj prinesli begunci, se najpogosteje uvrščata terorizem in organiziran kriminal - tihotapljenje migrantov. ; At the beginning of 2011, the European Union faced the first refugees fleeing from the war-torn areas of Syria, other Middle East countries and Islamic countries of North Africa, trying to secure their freedom, personal safety and future in the member states of the European Union. The political crisis and war in the Middle East did not subside, on the contrary, every day thousands of people took the Mediterranean and Balkan routes to reach Europe. In 2015, when migration flows into Europe peaked, the European Union experienced the worst refugee crisis after the Second World War. The EU had to face a grave migration issue and eventually settled it with the help and in cooperation with Turkey – country that 69 years ago applied for the membership in the European Union but has not become its full member to this day. Turkey today hosts the largest share of Syrian refugees in the world – 3,6 million, and after many years of intensive political activity and diplomacy, it started a new chapter of cooperation with the European Union, we could call it migration cooperation. Together, they forged a common migration policy by signing the EU-Turkey Statement on 18th March 2016. Its aim was to put a halt to the irregular migration flows on the Balkan route from Turkey to the European Union and to replace it with organised, safe and legal ways to enter Europe. Of course, Turkey was not merely doing a favour to the European Union and the EU was ready to pay well in exchange, sending 3 billion euros to Turkey and promising other benefits, including visa liberalisation. Today, there are more than 1,8 million refugees in the European Union. Many Europeans worry about their personal safety and the European Union is concerned about the national and international security. As the riskiest security implications brought by refugees are most often mentioned terrorism and organised crime – smuggling of migrants.

Magistrska diplomska naloga nosi naslov Odločanje Sodišča Evropske unije o pristojnosti. V nalogi sem sprva opisala temeljna načela, ki so vodilo delovanja Sodišča Evropske unije, ter se seznanila z njihovo uporabo in razlago v praksi. Ugotovila sem, da med pravnim redom Evropske unije in pravnimi redi držav članic velja načelo nadrejenosti ter da je pravni red Evropske unije superioren. Sledilo je raziskovanje, kako Sodišče Evropske unije odloča o pristojnosti, pri čemer sem spoznala, da ima Sodišče Evropske unije zelo pomembno vlogo, ko odloča o razmejitvi pristojnosti med državo članico ter Evropsko unijo. S sodno prakso namreč riše mejo med avtonomnostjo države članice ter posegi v njeno avtonomnost s strani Evropske unije. Nato sem opisala in spoznavala kakšne so njegove pristojnosti ter kakšni so postopki, ki jih Sodišče Evropske unije uporablja pri svojem odločanju. Ugotovila sem, da je temeljna naloga Sodišča Evropske unije skrbeti za enotno razlago in uporabo prava Evropske unije. Ugotovila sem, da Sodišče Evropske unije skozi sodno prakso čedalje bolj širi svoje pristojnosti in krepi svojo vlogo v razmerju do držav članic, čeprav v praksi vse države članice temu niso prav naklonjene. Na koncu naloge sem opisala in pojasnila, kako so se pristojnosti Sodišča Evropske unije okrepile po sprejemu Lizbonske pogodbe, ter poskušala poiskati razlike ter podobnosti med sistemom delitve oblasti v Evropski uniji ter sistemom delitve oblasti v zvezni državi, predvsem s strani odločanja Sodišča Evropske unije ter njegovih pristojnosti. ; In this assignment, I first described the fundamental principles that constitute the functioning of the Court of Justice of the European Union, and took note of their application and interpretation into practice. I have discovered that the principle of superiority is applied between the legal order of Member States and the rule of European Union in which the legal order of the European Union is superior. This was followed by a study of how the European Court of Justice decides on jurisdiction, and I realized that the Court of Justice of the European Union plays a very important role in deciding on the delimitation of competences between a Member State and the European Union. Through its case-law the Court of Justice of the European Union draws the boundary between the autonomy of a Member State and interference with Member States' autonomy by the European Union. I then described and learned about what its competences are and what are the procedures used by the Court of Justice of the European Union in its decision-making. I have found out that the fundamental task of the Court of Justice of the European Union is to ensure uniform interpretation and application of European Union law. I have found that the Court of Justice of the European Union increasingly expands its jurisdiction through jurisprudence and strengthens its role vis-à ; -vis Member States, although in practice all Member States do not favor this right. At the end of the thesis, I described and explained how the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union was strengthened after the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, and sought to find differences and similarities between the system of division of power in the European Union and the system of division of power in the federal state, notably through the decision-making of the Court and its powers.