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The Three Seas Initiative (TSI) constitutes a project involving the
cooperation of twelve European countries. Poland and Croatia, the founders of the TSI, are especially active in this respect. Even though Hungary seems the closest political ally of Poland, the country rarely participates in TSI actions. In addition, when pursuing its politics, Hungary remains in contradiction to the principles of the TSI- chiefly regarding energy policies. The paper aims to offer answers to questions concerning the significance of the TSI in Hungary's foreign affairs policies and the country's perception of such a form of cooperation in Europe.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Artykuł przedstawia problem "wspólnej" polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej w kontekście tendencji dezintegracyjnych i renacjonalizacji, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem tzw. Brexit'u i jego implikacji dla uwspólontowienia polityki energetycznej UE, działań, które podważają zasady i reguły "wspólnej" polityki energetycznej UE na przykładzie decyzji Komisji Europejskiej z 28 października 2016 r., w sprawie zwiększenia wykorzystywanej przez Gazprom przepustowości gazociągu OPAL (lądowej odnogi Nord Stream) oraz problemu intensyfikowania współpracy w energetycznej Niemiec z Rosją, na przykładzie projektu Nord Stream 2. W artykule przedstawiono również zasadnicze etapy procesu uwspólnotowienia polityki energetycznej UE. ; The article presents an issue of "common" energy policy of the European Union in the context of desintegration tendencies and renationalizationn with particular attention to so-called Brexit and its implications for commonalization of the EU energy policy. The article discusses the actions that undermine principles and rules of the EU's "common" energy policy taking as an example the decision of the European Commission from October 28th, 2016 regarding the increase of transportation capacity of the OPAL gas pipeline (land off shoot of Nord Stream) used by Gazprom as well as the problem of intensification of energy cooperation between Germany and Russia in case of Nord Stream 2 project. The basic phases of the commonalization of the EU's energy policy were presented in the paper too.

European Union and Indian Union signed the cooperation agreement in 1994 and a strategic partnership 10 years later. Europe was feeling safe and secure, which was well-described in 2003 in the European Security Strategy, so the approach to the relations with India stressed their economic aspects. In 2007, both sides have started negotiations of the Free Trade Agreement. They still have not concluded but in the meantime the world has changed dramatically. In the current international "disorder" both India and Europe are looking for new partners and vectors of influence, defending multilateralism and democratic values. The paper analyses 5 factors which severely influence these relations. They can bring both sides closer and make the strategic partnership stronger: Rise of China as a global power; Increase of American-Chinese competition and rivalry; Russia's coming back to the international game of power; Rise of India as a regional power and global player, the world largest democracy and a counterbalance to China; Brexit and internal dynamics in the EU. The text is based, among others, on research and discussions taken under umbrella of the India-EU Think Tank Twinning Initiative - the project implemented by 10 best European and Indian think tanks.

While the field of foreign policy has generated an impressive amount of research, there is still much to be explored and explained of the way in which regime types (totalitarian and democratic) influence the dynamics of state behavior at the international level. The present study examines in a comparative way the characteristics that influence the process of foreign policy making in totalitarian and democratic states. This can help achieve a better understanding of their foreign policy decisions and also help reveal valuable patterns in their decision making process. For the purpose of the present study, the United States of America and the People`s Republic of China were chosen as representative cases of the above mentioned highly contrasting regimes. The foreign policy and diplomatic relationship of the two countries is analyzed on the period between the 1940s and the 1970s using comparative foreign policy analysis, their differences providing a fertile ground for comparison.

The European Union does not have an autonomous and self-standing public policy concerning the protection of landscape. Instead, it adopts fragmentary and incidental measures meant to protect landscape. These measures are adopted within the frameworks of other EU policies, most importantly the EU environmental policy as well as other policies which are integrated with it (such as agricultural policy or policy concerned with special planning). In all these realms, the EU shares its powers with its member states. In some important areas, such as e.g. the property regime, the member states retained their exclusive competences. This particular distribution of powers makes the implementation of the extra-EU international law instruments rather difficult and not sufficiently effective to produce a worthwhile impact. These obligations have a limited influence because most of them are obligations of "a diligent pursue" rather than "firm result". As such, they are unlikely to give rise to direct application of respective conventional provisions. Notwithstanding, their importance is much more pronounced in the area of legal reasoning, where even the EU or domestic measures have to be interpreted in the light of the EU and/or its member states' obligations arising from international conventions on landscape protection.

The essential objective of the paper is to present the German model of social policy as compared to the social solutions adopted in the European Union. The author analyzes the transformations of social policy, established by virtue of the Treaty on the European Union, The Nice Treaty and Lisbon Treaty, among other documents. The further part of the paper presents the main assumptions of the German model of the welfare state. The author concludes with a suggestion that, at a time of global financial crisis, both the European Union and Germany will need to change their social policies. ; The essential objective of the paper is to present the German model of social policy as compared to the social solutions adopted in the European Union. The author analyzes the transformations of social policy, established by virtue of the Treaty on the European Union, The Nice Treaty and Lisbon Treaty, among other documents. The further part of the paper presents the main assumptions of the German model of the welfare state. The author concludes with a suggestion that, at a time of global financial crisis, both the European Union and Germany will need to change their social policies.

Import zjawisk stanowiących zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego Unii Europejskiej w dość bolesny sposób odbija się na państwach członkowskich, powodując chaos naszczeblach decyzyjnych, co w konsekwencji osłabia całą UE. To z kolei wpływa na postrzeganie Unii Europejskiej jako słabej, nieradzącej sobie z problemami. Dlatego Autorka poddałaanalizie rolę polityki ekspedycyjnej w ramach WPBiO dla bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego i zewnętrznego UE. ; Import dangerous phenomena to the European Union causes a main threat to its internal security and in a very painful way affects for the Member States, causing chaos on the decisionmaking levels, which in turn weakens the whole of the EU. This in turn affects the perceptionof the European Union as weak, not deal with problems. Therefore, the author analyzed the role of policy expeditionary CSDP to internal and external security EU.

Summary in English.

Import zjawisk stanowiących zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego Unii Europejskiej w dość bolesny sposób odbija się na państwach członkowskich, powodując chaos na szczeblach decyzyjnych, co w konsekwencji osłabia całą UE. To z kolei wpływa na postrzeganie Unii Europejskiej jako słabej, nieradzącej sobie z problemami. Dlatego Autorka poddała analizie rolę polityki ekspedycyjnej w ramach WPBiO dla bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego i zewnętrznego UE. ; Import dangerous phenomena to the European Union causes a main threat to its internal security and in a very painful way affects for the Member States, causing chaos on the decision-making levels, which in turn weakens the whole of the EU. This in turn affects the perception of the European Union as weak, not deal with problems. Therefore, the author analyzed the role of policy expeditionary CSDP to internal and external security EU.

Głównym celem artykułu jest teoretyczna i empiryczna analiza wpływu Unii Europejskiej na proces demokratyzacji w państwach Europy Wschodniej. W swojej polityce zagranicznej Unia Europejska, uważana za mocarstwo normatywne, ma strategiczny interes w stabilizacji państw sąsiednich poprzez eksport wartości demokratycznych w celu zapewnienia własnego bezpieczeństwa. Twierdzi się jednak, że zdolność Unii Europejskiej do wywierania wpływu na świat zewnętrzny jest ograniczona. Skuteczność polityki warunkowości UE związana jest głównie z postrzeganymi korzyściami przez państwa trzecie - w przypadku państw Europy Wschodniej oferta członkostwa, jako główna zachęta, nie jest jeszcze brana pod uwagę. Nie bez znaczenia jest też brak wspólnego stanowiska UE wobec Rosji, dla której europejski eksport wartości demokratycznych do państw obszaru poradzieckiego jest wyzwaniem dla jej pozycji na arenie międzynarodowej. Rywalizację europejsko-rosyjską na obszarze poradzieckim można zatem opisać, posługując się realistyczną teorią stosunków międzynarodowych. Artykuł kończy się rekomendacjami dla Unii Europejskiej. ; The main aim of the article is a theoretical and empirical analysis of the impact of the European Union on the democratization process in the countries of Eastern Europe. In its foreign policy the European Union, regarded as a normative power, has a strategic interest in stabilizing neighbouring countries through the export of democratic values in order to ensure its own security. It is claimed, however, that the European Union's ability to influence the outside world is limited. The effectiveness of the EU's conditionality policy is mainly related to the perceived benefits by third countries – in case of Eastern European countries a membership offer as the main incentive is not yet taken into account. Of great importance there is also a lack of common EU position towards Russia, which regards a European export of democratic values to countries of the post-Soviet area as a challenge to its position on the international arena. A European-Russian rivalry on the post-Soviet area can be then described using realist theory of international relations. The article ends with recommendations for the European Union.