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The golden era of the study of folklore in the Soviet Union was the first decade after the Revolution, when the party and government, occupied with more urgent tasks, let the literary scholars and folklorists do their work relatively undisturbed. In 1925 the so-called "magna charta libertatis" for Soviet writers was issued by the Central Committee of the party, which permitted "free competition of various groups and currents." As a result, the 1920s turned out to be rich and fruitful in literary scholarship, including folkloristics. In the study of folklore, different trends could freely coexist and thrive side by side. The most important of them were the historical school, Formalism, and the so-called Finnish school. The historical school continued the traditions of its leader Vsevolod Miller, whose first concern had been to find reflections of concrete historical reality in Russian byliny (epic songs). Thus the tendencies of the historical school are found in the commentaries to some bylina collections in 1918 and 1919, and also appeared strongly in the works of the brothers Boris and Iurii Sokolov, both of them disciples of Miller.

Based on a chapter of the forthcoming, "Policy-making in the European communities," edited by H. Wallace and others.

Federal prohibitions of corporate and union con tributions have been motivated by two objectives: to reduce or eliminate domination of the electoral process by business and labor through their aggregated wealth; and to protect stock- holders and union members from having their organizations' funds used for political purposes of which they do not approve. Federal regulations have been largely ineffective in prevent ing corporate and union monies from reaching political candi dates and parties both legally and illegally. Recent develop ments, including passage of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 as amended in 1974, important decisions by the Supreme Court since 1972, and rulings by the Federal Elec tion Commission, have widened the area of legal campaign- related activities in which corporations and labor organizations can engage, particularly through political action committees. The liberalization of previous restrictions, together with more rigorous and effective electoral disclosure requirements, and widespread public suspicion concerning the political activities of "special interests" make it likely that business corporations and labor unions will be quite circumspect in their election involvements during 1976. However, several legal and polit ical issues which could affect corporate and union campaign activities in 1976 and beyond remain unresolved.

Federal prohibitions of corporate & union contributions have been motivated by 2 objectives: to reduce or eliminate domination of the electoral process by business & labor through their aggregated wealth, & to protect stockholders & union members from having their organizations' funds used for political purposes of which they do not approve. Federal regulations have been largely ineffective in preventing corporate & union monies from reaching political candidates & parties both legally & illegally. Recent developments, including passage of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 as amended in 1974, important decisions by the Supreme Court since 1972, & rulings by the Federal Election Commission, have widened the area of legal campaign-related activities in which corporations & labor organizations can engage, particularly through political action committees. The liberalization of previous restrictions, together with more rigorous & effective electoral disclosure requirements, & widespread public suspicion concerning the political activities of "special interests" make it likely that business corporations & labor unions will be quite circumspect in their election involvements during 1976. However, several legal & political issues which could affect corporate & union campaign activities in 1976 & beyond, remain unresolved. Modified HA.

Aus polnischer Sicht