Search results

Europska dimenzija u obrazovanju tema je kojom su se kreatori europskih obrazovnih politika intenzivnije počeli baviti 70-ih godina prošlog stoljeća, dok je interes među hrvatskim znanstveno-istraživačkim krugovima privukla unazad dva desetljeća, a posebice ulaskom Hrvatske u Europsku uniju. Teorijski dio rada donosi sažeti prikaz tijeka razvoja Europske unije i njezinih institucija te razvoja koncepta europske dimenzije u obrazovanju kroz inicijative Europske unije. Iako s teorijskog gledišta pojmovno određenje europske dimenzije predstavlja svojevrstan izazov, može se reći da europsku dimenziju u obrazovanju određuju specifična znanja i vještine koje obrazovanje treba pružiti učenicima kako bi osvijestili i prihvatili prednosti i izazove života u Europskoj uniji. U ovom radu pod indikatorima europske dimenzije u obrazovanju smatraju se (europske) vrijednosti, europsko građanstvo i identitet, višejezičnost i mobilnost te razvoj znanja, vještina i stavova "o Europi, u Europi i za Europu". U istraživanju o stavovima i viđenju Europske unije i europske dimenzije u obrazovanju provedenom među populacijom školskih pedagoga u Hrvatskoj, rezultati su pokazali da se pedagozi smatraju osrednje informiranima te jednako tako osrednje kompetentnima za raspravu i uključivanje sadržaja europske dimenzije obrazovanja u svoj rad. Ipak, pedagozi prepoznaju školu kao značajno mjesto za postizanje zadanih ciljeva europske dimenzije u obrazovanju. ; The European dimension in education is a topic with which the creators of the European education policies became concerned during the 1970s, while it caught the interest of the Croatian scientific and research community two decades ago, and especially after Croatian accession to the European Union. The theoretical part of this paper comprises of a brief overview of the development of the European Union and its institutions and the development of the concept of the European dimension in education through the initiative of the European Union. Although from a theoretical point of view the ...

The paper looks into the effectiveness of the application of preferential quotas for electoral posts & compares the different quota systems in the EU countries. Starting from the assumption that political parties in contemporary democracies are major actors in the representation of women in national parliaments, the author analyses the (un)favourable conditions for women in candidacy procedures & some examples of (un)successful quota implementations. The conclusion is that a successful application of the quotas for women depends on a set of additional variables such as the quota application in proportional electoral systems, the entrenchment of the quotas in women's movements & their consistent & long-term implementation. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

Croatia's EU accession has been covered in Croatian dailies as one of the pivotal foreign-policy events of the past several years judging by the number of the pertinent texts in the periods covered by this analysis (the positive avis & the postponement of the negotiations): in the four studied months in 2004 & 2005, a total of 1,523 texts in the three analyzed dailies ( Vecernji list, Jutarnji list, Vjesnik) were identified. Regardless of the differences in the profile of these dailies, there are no significant differences in reporting, which shows that the process of Croatia's EU accession is not only a popular topic but also utilized by the media & politics. The content analysis of the three Croatian dailies confirms that the European Union is presented within a political framework, while a whole array of other related topics has been neglected in the coverage. References. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj rad bavi se analizom položaja Makedonije koja kroz kritičke leće europskog odnosno eurocentričnog pogleda i geopolitičku kontekstualnost na području Balkana ima značajke subdrugosti. Uzimajući u obzir dosege postkolonijalnih teorija i moguću primjenu određenih koncepata (drugost, hibridnost, mimikrija, ambivalencija, egzotizacija, samokolonizacija, itd.) u analizi položaja Makedonije kao dijela postsocijalističkog prostora, rad posebno istražuje načine na koji se tijekom zadnja dva desetljeća uspostavlja i održava identitetska razlika Makedonije u odnosu na europski prostor i druge države Balkana. Posebni fokus je stavljen na istraživanje suvremenih diskurzivnih praksi kojima se Europska unija koristi pri održavanju identitetske razlike Republike Makedonije pri čemu se historijska diskurzivna analiza (Wodak, 2011) pokazala prikladnom metodom. U tom cilju napravljena je analiza medijskih članaka s Internet stranica EUObserver i EURACTIV za vrijeme političke krize (od listopada 2016. do lipnja 2017.) uslijed nepriznavanja rezultata parlamentarnih izbora u Makedoniji. Ovaj rad donosi zaključak o paralelnom koloniziranju Makedonije kroz proces europeizacije, i to putem delegitimiranja identitetskih značajki njezinog nacionalnog identiteta od strane Europske unije i od strane njezinih susjeda. Zaključno, analizom se došlo do dvije razine europskog pogleda – prva je definirana problemima vezanima za proces pristupanja Makedonije Europskoj uniji, dok je druga definirana diskursom o nedostatku demokratičnosti kao zalogom dugoročne drugosti. ; This paper deals with the analysis of the position of Macedonia, which displays characteristics of subalternity through the critical lens of a European or Eurocentric view and geopolitical contextuality in the Balkans. Taking into account the scope of postcolonial theories and possible applications of its particular concepts (subalternity, hybridity, mimicry, ambivalence, exoticisation, self-colonisation, etc.) in the analysis of the position of Macedonia as a part of a post-socialist space, the main focus of the paper is the research of ways in which the identity difference of Macedonia in relation to Europe and other Balkan states during the last two decades is established and maintained. Special focus is placed on the research of modern discursive practices which the European Union uses in the reproduction of identity differences of Macedonia, where historical discursive analysis (Wodak, 2011) proved as an appropriate method. Analysis of media articles from the EUobserver and EURACTIV websites during the political crisis (October 2016 to June 2017) due to recognition of parliamentary election results in Macedonia has been conducted. This paper offers conclusions about the parallel colonisation of Macedonia through the process of Europeanisation, by means of delegitimizing identity characteristics of its national identity by the European Union and its neighbours. In conclusion, the analysis reached two European worldviews – the first is defined by problems related to the process of entering the European Union, while the other is defined by a discourse about the lack of democracy as collateral for long-term subalternity even after entering the EU.

Ovaj rad nastoji istražiti koje su odrednice europskih programa volontiranja za mlade koje pridonose izgradnji europskog identiteta i europske solidarnosti. Europski programi volontiranja mehanizam su povezivanja i osnaživanja mladih europskih volontera. Kroz aktualni program Europske snage solidarnosti mladi neosporno rade na svojim vještinama. Ipak, naglasak je na preventivnom ili kurativnom, a uvijek solidarnom djelovanju. Volontiranje je usmjereno na krizu zajednice i tako dotiče mnogobrojne dimenzije ekspresije europskog identiteta. Proces provedbe volonterskih programa za mlade prolazi višestruku koordinaciju između europske i nacionalne razine. Uredba Europske unije temelj je za provedbu programa, koji uvelike djeluje po načelima europske Strategije za mlade, čime se pokazuje da legislativna i provedbena strana europskih programa volontiranja zajednički djeluje na koncepciju europskog identiteta. Istraživanje putem intervjua sa stručnjacima, provedeno za potrebe ovog rada ukazuje na brojne sličnosti i komplementarnost koncepata koji čine odrednice europskih programa volontiranja i europskog identiteta, poput osjećaj pripadnosti zajednici, međunarodnih bliskih, prijateljskih odnosa, zajedničkih aktivnosti, kao i standardizacije te regulacije politika za mlade na europskoj razini. Dijeljenje iskustava mladih Europljana koji su odrednice europskih programa volontiranja za mlade i europskog identiteta praktično povezali i primjenili u vlastitim životima može imati dugoročno pozitivne učinke na budućnost EU. ; This paper seeks to explore what are the determinants of the European youth volunteering programs that contribute to the building of the European identity and European solidarity. European volunteering programs are the mechanism for connecting and empowering young European volunteers. Through the current program, the European Solidarity Corps, young people are indisputably working on their skills. However, the emphasis is on preventative or curative, but always solidarity action. Volunteering has focused ...

The European Union macro-regional strategies represent a policy framework that aims to enable EU Member States and third countries sharing common interests to better coordinate their potentials in order to make the best possible use of available opportunities. This paper looks into the specificities of four EU macro-regional strategies covering 19 European Union Member States and nine non-EU countries. Given the challenging situation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, it also considers the future perspectives of EU macro-regional strategies as well as their adaptability to new circumstances. More specifically, it focuses on intergovernmental initiatives and their implementation, underlying the importance of the application of the principle of subsidiarity. In addition, the aim of the paper is to provide a critical overview of the subject by highlighting two pivotal elements. First, it assesses whether the EU macro-regional strategies could be genuinely successful, given the fact that they do not have their separate allocation but use the existing funding instead. Second, it explores the ability of the EU macro-regional strategies to bridge wider EU-level policies on the one hand and local policies on the other. Finally, the idea of the paper is to offer an overview of the state of affairs when macro-regions are concerned. ; Makroregionalne strategije Europske unije okvir su politike koji ima za cilj omogućiti državama članicama EU-a i trećim zemljama, koje dijele zajedničke interese, da bolje koordiniraju svoje potencijale kako bi na najbolji način iskoristile dostupne mogućnosti. Ovaj rad razmatra specifičnosti četiriju makroregionalnih strategija EU-a koje pokrivaju 19 država članica i devet zemalja koje nisu članice EU-a. S obzirom na izazovnu situaciju uzrokovanu pandemijom bolesti COVID-19, razmatraju se i buduće perspektive makroregionalnih strategija EU-a kao i njihova prilagodljivost novim okolnostima. Točnije, usredotočuje se na međuvladine inicijative i njihovu provedbu, što je temelj primjene načela ...

Cilj je ovog rada utvrditi čimbenike koji utječu na zaštitu prava stranke u upravnom sporu. Upravni sudovi u Republici Hrvatskoj moraju u svom dje- lovanju istovremeno uključivati pravo koje razvija Sud u Strasbourgu, kvali- ficirano kao konvencijsko pravo, a i pravo zajednice koje razvija Sud u Lux- embourgu. U tu svrhu, autor razmatra utjecaj konvencijskog prava i prava Europske unije na zaštitu prava stranke u upravnom sporu. ; The aim of this paper was to determine the factors that affect the protection of the rights of the parties in the administrative dispute. Administrative courts in Croatia have in their activities at the same time include the right to develop the Court in Strasbourg and the right of a community to develop the Court in Luxembourg. To this end, the author discusses the impact of Convention rights and the rights of the European Union to protect the rights of the parties in administrative dispute.

Looking at the European Constitution & the legal attainments of the European Union from the perspective of the modern nation-state leads to aporia & Euroskepticism since the European Union has never been, nor will it ever be, a political community modelled after the nation-state. The nation-state as a constitutional institution is not tantamount to political processes; it is one of the historical options of the political. The state & politics cannot be equated: the nation-state is a political institution while politics is a process with various alternatives of institutionalization. These two sides, the constitutional state & the political processes, are in the relationship of soft incommensurability & it is not quite possible to equate them in some higher association. Equating the constitutional state & the political activity in present-day debates on the European Constitution results in Euroskepticism. Conservative theoreticians of the state & politics cannot study the constitutional state separately from political processes. For them Europe is possible solely as a constitutional state with democratic legitimation; otherwise it will never come into being. These theoreticians view the relationship between the constitution & politics as the means-ends or cause-effect category, & not as an open-ended process between two one unequatable media that are semantically mutually irritating. The goal of the European politics is not a European state, nor is the goal of the European constitution to curb the spontaneity of European political processes. The European Union is an open-ended semantic relationship between its legal attainments & its political processes. Consequently, the concept of democracy as a political form will have to be redefined. The European Union as a political community sui generis should be explained from the perspective of contemporary theories evolved along the lines of the linguistic & deconstructivist reversal of the modern substantionalist rationalism, universalism & cosmopolitism. The major contribution of these post-modern theories is that they do not consider political reality as an objective given, but as a construct for which we know how it was produced so that we can change it. This means that the object of study is not the constitutional-legal reality but the knowledge of the constitutional-legal reality that is continuously expanded by means of the new designations of the semantically nonexistent political environment. The European Constitution & the European politics are in the relationship of mutual semantic irritation, but are not identical & will never become identical. References. Adapted from the source document.

Odnos Europske Unije i crkava, religijskih zajednica i udruženja različitih nereligioznih uvjerenja institucionaliziran je Deklaracijom br. 11 Ugovora iz Amsterdama, Poveljom o temeljnim pravima Europske Unije (čl. 10.) i Lisabonskim ugovorom (čl. 17. Konsolidirane verzije Ugovora o funkcioniranju Europske Unije). Budući da ugovori o stvaranju Europske zajednice i poslije Europske Unije nisu spominjali odnos prema religijskim zajednicama, što je posve razumljivo s obzirom na sadržaj ugovora, tek je s neformalnim, a potom sve više službenim inicijativama između Europske komisije i predstavnika vodećih religijskih zajednica došlo do dijaloga. Pokušajem identificiranja ključnih prekretnica u odnosu između Europske Unije te crkava i nekonfesionalnih organizacija ovaj rad želi istražiti mogućnosti historijskog institucionalizma u istraživanju političkog sustava Europske Unije. Ključne prekretnice moguće je promatrati kod crkava i religijskih zajednica, kao i kod političkih tijela Europske Unije. Pri proučavanju promjena koje dovode do stvaranja europskog modela odnosa prema religijskim zajednicama rad se zadržava na radu Europske komisije, dok utjecaj europskog zakonodavstva (koje uključuje sudske odluke Europskog suda i Europskog suda za ljudska prava) ostavlja za jednu širu analizu ovog odnosa. ; The relationship between the European Union and churches, religious associations and associations of various non-religious beliefs is institutionalised by Declaration 11 of the Treaty of Amsterdam, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (Art. 10) and the Treaty of Lisbon (Art. 17 of the Consolidated version of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union). As the treaties on the creation of the European Community and, later, the European Union failed to mention the relationship towards religious associations, which is perfectly understandable considering the contents of the treaties, a dialogue arose only with the informal, and, thereupon, more and more official initiatives between the European ...

Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je empirijski istražiti utjecaj potrošnje obnovljivih i neobnovljivih izvora energije na ekonomski rast. Analiza je provedena na podacima za 16 razvijenih EU država u razdoblju od 1990. do 2018. te za 11 post-tranzicijskih EU država u razdoblju od 1995. do 2018. Dobiveni rezultati uspoređeni su s rezultatima dobivenim za razdoblje do 2014.godine. Za kvantificiranje kratkoročnog i dugoročnog utjecaja, primijenjen je združeni procjenitelj aritmetičke sredine grupe (PMG). Prema empirijskim rezultatima potrošnja oba izvora energije u dugom roku značajno utječe na ekonomski rast u obje skupine zemalja. Međutim, rezultati se razlikuju između razvijenih i post-tranzicijskih EU zemalja. U razvijenim EU zemljama potrošnja obnovljivih izvora energije ima negativan utjecaj na ekonomski rast, dok potrošnja neobnovljivih izvora energije ima pozitivan utjecaj. U post-tranzicijskim EU zemljama rezultati su suprotni, što znači da u tim zemljama postoji tendencija prelaska s manje učinkovitih i onečišćujućih izvora energije na učinkovitije energetske opcije koje mogu biti poticaj ekonomskom rastu. ; This paper aims to investigate the impact of renewable and non-renewable energy consumption on economic growth. Analysis was conducted for 16 developed EU member states over the period from 1990 to 2018 and 11 post-transition EU member states over the period from 1995 to 2018. We also compared obtained results with results for the period until 2014. The pooled mean group (PMG) model was used to capture dynamic relationship in a short and long run. The empirical results show that consumption of both energy sources has an impact on economic growth in the long run in both groups of countries. However, the results differ between the developed and post-transition EU countries. In developed EU countries renewable energy consumption has a negative impact on economic growth, while non-renewable energy consumption has a positive impact. In post-transition EU countries results are opposite, meaning that in these countries there is a tendency to shift from less efficient and more polluting energy sources to more efficient energy options which can be a stimulus to economic growth.

This paper discusses the dilemmas regarding the nature of the European Union in contemporary political science and in the field of European Studies as a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary field. The first part focuses on the evolution of the European Union from the original European Coal and Steel Community, via the European Economic Community, to its growth into a political union. The Maastricht Treaty, which lay the foundations of the European Union as a political union of its member states, instigated a debate on the actual nature of this supranational union as political construct. Consequently, the author analyses the various characteristics of the European Union, which is manifest in various forms, and asserts that it has some "state-like features" and some "organisation-like features", which are characteristic of international organizations. In the approach to the European Union as a supra-state community, some essential traits of both federation and confederation are simultaneously manifest, corresponding to two tendencies in the development of the European Union as a super-state. Moreover, there is the conception of the European Union as an empire. Finally, this paper specifies the tasks of present-day political science and the need to find a new heuristic instrument, which, according to the author, can be found in the conception of the political system that was introduced in political science (comparative politics) by Gabriel Almond and David Easton. Such an approach, which is nowadays further developed by Jean-Pierre Quermonne, Wolfgang Wessels and Simon Hix, is additionally strengthened by the fact that various models of democratic practice are being incorporated in the European Union in opposition to the basic, legitimacy-related democratic deficit, models which confirm the possible conclusion regarding a European Union as a complex community with many faces. Adapted from the source document.

Autor je obradio Medalju časti, koju svake godine dodjeljuje Europski parlament Građaninu Europe, na osnovi provedenog postupka. Ta je nagrada utemeljena 2008. godine. Ove su godine laureati iz Republike Hrvatske Tvrtko Barun i Hrvatska udruga Transplant. ; The author writes about the Medal of Honour awarded on an annual basis by the European Parliament to Citizens of Europe, following an accepted procedure. The Prize was founded in 2008. This year the laureates from the Republic of Croatia were Pater Tvrtko Barun and the Croatian Transplant Association.