For several decades, the European Union has been steadily increasing its presence in Central Asian countries. The EU's interests in the region are due to a number of reasons, including the desire to expand its influence in the Central Asian countries, the high importance of the region as a transit corridor between Europe and China, the prospects for economic cooperation, and the importance of the region's energy potential. In May 2019 The European Union has presented a new Strategy for Central Asia, designed to intensify cooperation in a number of areas of interaction. The new strategy is aimed at both implementing these interests and expanding cooperation in a number of other areas.
The article attempts to econometric modeling of the influence of a complex of factors on the volume and dynamics of the economies of the member States of the European Union, taking into account their differentiation. The main results of the author's research are as follows. First, the fundamental coincidence of trends in the EU GDP dynamics with global trends and the presence of a strong negative impact on this dynamics of the global crisis of the late 2000s have been established. Secondly, it is once again confirmed that there is a significant differentiation between the founding States of the EU and the countries that joined it after 1990, expressed in a significant excess of macroeconomic indicators of the first group of countries of similar indicators of the second group. Thirdly, the difference between the combinations of factors influencing economic development in the two groups of EU countries is revealed, which once again testifies to the bloc nature of the EU structure.
The article considers the problem of non-recognition by member countries of the European Union, the Russian passports issued on the territory of the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol city, and the difficulty of obtaining a Schengen visa by citizens of these regions. The EU's position on this issue is a violation of human rights and contradicts the norms of international law. The authors suggest possible solutions to this problem.
The dialogue between Russia and the European Union is a relationship between two major geopolitical actors, which has never been unambiguous and simple in history, although it is due to the proximity of the geographical location and mutual interest in long-term cooperation. The EU's cultural policy is quite pragmatic, in comparison with the significance of the factors of the economic space and the presence of the Euro zone, culture is not considered by Europeans as a binding factor in the development of the two countries. In order to enter the common European economic market, States are forced to apply for participation in cultural programs and grants funded by the EU. The article emphasizes the idea that any attempts to block the development of national cultures will inevitably lead to conflicts. Only through culture is it possible to achieve true self-expression of each nation and dialogue among civilizations. The concept of «strategic culture» is considered as a tool of analysis and a way of knowledge, and identity and national character as a predisposition to a certain type of policy. As part of the study of strategic culture, the analysis of national ideology is of great practical interest.
At the governmental level, Russia and the European Union follow the course of a long-term strategic partnership, primarily in the fields of culture, education, science, and the humanitarian sphere. Large-scale challenges and the ongoing systemic transformation of the European Union add politicization and uncertainty to Russian-European relations. At the same time, cultural, scientific and humanitarian ties are seen as promising, and the Russian-European dialogue in the field of culture will promote and stimulate the expansion of Russia's cooperation with both EU member States and the EEU member States.
The article examines the cultural policy and cultural diplomacy of the European Union. It is proved that full-fledged cooperation between Russia and the European Union is possible only within the framework of a common humanitarian space – a value-ideological communication environment determined by equal and mutual respect of the participants and the nature of the relationship between the ideologies of independent international actors, excluding unilateral ideological expansion of any of the parties.
Debates on project of the European defense are already carrying on for a long time. By now many reasons exist to affirm the European Union visible progression to set up its own defensive component. But officially for the time being the question of creation of a military European union is not raised and the collective defense remains the exclusive prerogative of NATO.
This article focuses on the stages of development of the Eastern Partnership project, the European Union (EU) foreign policy strategy towards it and the role of Russia as a political competitor of the EU in the region. With the help of analyzing key documents that define the goals and objectives of the Eastern Partnership from the moment of its creation up to today, the features of the project initiative's way of development and the degree of the EU's involvement into political and economic processes of the Partnership states are pointed out. The research allows to clarify and evaluate the political background for the changes in the EU strategy towards the Partnership states and the principal incentives for the widening of cooperation within its framework. The main conclusion of the research is that the Eastern Partnership has grown in importance for the EU over time, especially since 2014, when the EU started to view Eastern Europe as one of the principal areas of influence and Russia as a direct competitor. The project has begun to include more and more spheres of political and economic cooperation, placing an emphasis on energy security, economic aid, and the development of civil society via European "soft power".
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Volume 22, Issue 4, p. 162-168
The author analyses the European Union's foreign policy in Central Asia. He indicates the basic tendencies of development of the EU cooperation with the countries of Central Asian region. Further, the author analyzes the implementation of joint projects within the framework adopted by the Partnership Agreements. Based on a critical analysis, the researcher highlights a number of constraints to effective development of relations between the EU and Central Asian states. He carries out a structural analysis of conceptual documents of the European Union for the development of bilateral and multilateral relations with Central Asian countries in the region.
Scientific novelty of this work lies in the systematization of stages in the evolution of relations between the European Union and the countries of Central Asia. The author divides the formation of cooperation into four main stages.
The first stage of the relations between the EU and the countries of Central Asia includes conceptual framework of the legal regulatory structure of bilateral and multilateral cooperation.
The second stage is characterized by the realization of a number of joint projects in the field of transport communications, democratic transformations, regional security and stability.
The third stage of the relations is determined by acquiring of special geographical significance of the region of Central Asia resulting from the engagement of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan in 2001.
The fourth stage has begun in 2015 with the adoption of the EU Strategy for a New Partnership with Central Asia for 2017-2021.
These studies serve as a basis for developing some important proposals and recommendations for the improvement of the effectiveness of cooperation between the parties.
Institutional analysis and analysis of documents of key educational integration processes in Europe: Bologna process and Copenhagen process. Revelation of mechanisms of governance of educational areas created on the basis of these processes and comparison of this mechanisms with ones of governance of the common space of research and education including cultural aspects that is being build between the EU and Russia. Conclusions: no single center in Bologna process, in spite of existence of the Bologna Follow-Up Group as formal governance body; the governance body of Copenhagen process is definite and it is the same organization that started the process; such model is more efficient.
To understand the depth of transformations in all spheres of society generated by migration, new terminology is needed. The notion of "postmigrant societies" implies that the distinction between local and migrant population loses its relevance in certain social spheres. According to the familiar epistemological framework, societies are presented as consisting of "local population" on the one hand, and "migrant population" on the other. This understanding, however, is becoming obsolete. First, it does not reflect the fact that the phenomenon of spatial mobility is embedded in the social structure. A significant part of the so-called local population is itself included in migration processes. People who are considered to be part of the "autochthonous population" are in fact migrants themselves due to different circumstances (contract work, long-term stay in another country due to studies, involvement in joint business projects, participation in international scientific teams, availability of real estate abroad, etc.). At the same time, those people who are regarded as "migrants" by common sense can be well integrated into the social institutions of their new homeland. Second, the traditional epistemological framework does not reflect contemporary demographic trends. It is unable to capture two points: (a) population rotation within the framework of circular/pendulum migration; (b) qualitative change in the urban population of industrialized countries.
В настоящей статье рассматривается и анализируется динамика изменения миграционной политики стран Европейского Союза и Западных Балкан сквозь призму третьей волны пандемии КОВИД-19, захлестнувшей Европу. Предлагаются пути и методы решения проблемы беженцев в странах Европейского союза с учетом новых вызовов времени.
Цель статьи – исследование существующих моделей сертификации по латинскому языку. Для этого были выбраны три наиболее известные системы тестирования: американская National Latin Exam (NLE), европейская European Latin Exam (ELEX), проводимая ассоциацией Euroclassica, и European Latin Linguistic Assessment (EULALIA), организатором которой является Университет Болоньи в рамках программы Европейского союза Erasmus+. Актуальность исследования связана c отсутствием в настоящие время общей системы сертификации по латинскому языку для русскоязычных обучающихся и с вопросом о целесообразности и эффективности языковой сертификации применительно к классическим мертвым языкам. В статье проанализированы и сопоставлены история создания экзаменов, их философия, формат проведения, цели, задачи и содержание. Новизна работы заключается в системном сравнительном исследовании международных экзаменов как нового этапа в истории классического образования. В результате исследования была выстроена история возникновения и развития тестирования по латинскому языку. Выяснилось, что существующие экзамены имеют общую тенденцию – заимствование моделей оценки владения живыми языками для классического языка. Такой подход может быть реализован лишь отчасти, так как латинский язык имеет свой уникальный набор ключевых компетенций, необходимых для освоения. Международная сертификация по латинскому языку – это движение, которое всесторонне влияет на подходы к преподаванию латинского языка. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the existing models of Latin certification. For this purpose, three currently known testing systems were chosen: the American National Latin Exam (NLE), the European Latin Exam (ELEX) conducted by the European Association Euroclassica and the European Latin Linguistic Assessment (EULALIA), which was organized by the University of Bologna within the framework of the European Union Erasmus+ programme. The relevance of the research is due to the lack of a common certification system in Latin for Russian-speaking learners and due to the question of the expediency and effectiveness of language certification in relation to classical dead languages. The article analyses and compares the history of the creation of the examinations, their philosophy, format, goals, objectives and content. The novelty lies in the systematic comparative study of international examinations as a stage in the history of classical education. As a result of the study, the history of the emergence and development of Latin language testing has been constructed. It turned out that the existing examinations have a common tendency: borrowing models of assessment of proficiency in living languages for the classical language. This approach can only be partially realized as Latin has its own unique set of core competencies to master. International Latin language certification is a movement that is comprehensively influencing approaches to Latin language teaching.
The article analyses the EU approach towards pan-European security, the substance that was eroded by the Brussels' activities. The EU policy resulted into degradation the pan-European security architecture. It became a hostage of the trans-Atlantic solidarity. One of the main aims of transforming European economic communities into the EU was to establish itself as a hegemon in Europe and to reorganize the European sphere on its own rules and principles. Political expedience became superior over economic performance in the EU policies. The EU claimed to represent the whole Europe though not all the European states were its members. Due to the EU and NATO activities the OSCE turned into a minor organization unable to address the challenges of pan-European security. The EU policy has led to creation of new conflicts and division lines in Europe. The EU-Russian relations are considered in the context of pan-European security. The mechanisms for dialogue and cooperation in various fields, including security, are broken. The EU is pursuing the policy of pushing Russia out of Europe. The Ukrainian crisis is an artificial product of the EU. The concept of pan-European security needs critical review and rethinking the role of Russia.
