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Son yıllarda küreselleşmenin etkisiyle, dünya ekonomisi gelişme göstermektedir. Dünya ekonomisindeki bu gelişmeye paralel olarak, insanların yaşam şekilleri değişmeye başlamış buda enerjiye olan talebi küresel ölçekte arttırmıştır. Dünya, tükettiği enerjinin önemli bir kısmını fosil kaynaklardan sağlamakta olup, bu tür kaynaklar dünyanın belirli bölgelerinde yoğunlaşmıştır. Fosil kaynakların sınırlı ve sonlu olması, dünya ekonomilerinin bu kaynaklara ulaşma ve egemen olma mücadelesine neden olmaktadır. Bu çalışmada Avrupa Birliği ve Türkiye'nin enerji politikaları incelenmiştir. İthal kaynaklara bağımlılığı yüksek olan iki ekonominin, enerji arz güvenliği bağlamında karşılıklı menfaatleri üzerinde durulmuştur. Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nden sonra dünyanın ikinci büyük enerji tüketimi olan AB ile dünyanın en önemli enerji rezervlerinin olduğu Ortadoğu ve Hazar Bölgesi arasında kalan Türkiye'nin, enerji koridoru olarak Avrupa Birliği'nin enerji arz güvenliğine etkileri incelenmiştir. ; The world economy has grown significantly with the impact of the globalization. In parallel with this development in the world economy, peoples life styles have started to change and hence this increased demand for energy on global scale. The world gets the most significant part of the energy it consumes from fossil energy resources and this kind of resources are concentrated in some specific regions of the world. The fact that fossil energy resources are scarce and problematic creates the struggle between world economies to reach these resources and to be hegemonic on these resources. In this study, energy policies of European Union and Republic of Turkey have been analyzed. Conjugate interests of these two economies that are highly dependent on imported resources have been studied within the context of safety of energy supply. As an energy corridor, which remains between E.U. that is the second energy consumer after United States of America, and Middle East and Caspian Sea that have the most important part of the energy reserves, impacts of Republic of Turkey on the safety of energy supply to European Union has been studied.

İçinde bulunduğumuz yüzyılda, eğitim ve onun yükselen değerleriyle yeni bir inşa dönemi başlamıştır. Avrupa Birliği, bu sürece kayıtsız kalamamış; Birlik olmanın getirdiği öncelikler olan sanayi, ticari, politik, güvenlik ve temel haklar konularında başladığı bütünleşme çabalarına eğitimle devam etmiştir. Eğitim başlığı, Birlik için önemli bir konudur. Birliğin gelişimi incelendiğinde eğitimin özellikle ekonomi politikalarıyla ilintisi dikkat çekmektedir. AT aşamasında mevcut ekonomik koşullar Topluluğun ilgisini ekonomik gelişmeye ve kalkınmaya ve diğer bazı alanlara çekmiştir. Bu ilginin Birliğin elli yılına mal olduğu düşünülmektedir. Sosyoekonomik gelişmelerle beraber gelişen Birlik özellikle seksenli yılların başlangıcıyla beraber eğitim politikalarına oldukça önem vermeye başlamış; iki binli yıllarla beraber politikaların ve programların meyvelerini toplamaya başlamıştır. Bu sonuçlar ise ?Avrupalılaşma? ve bir ?Avrupa Kültürü? inşa etme çabalarında Birliğin aldığı yolu en açık bir biçimde göstermektedir. ; In our century, with education and its upgrade values, a new construction period has begun. European Union has not been indifferent to this process; it has kept on the integration efforts in the areas of industry, commerce, politics, security and fundamental rights, which are the priorities coming with being a union, with education. The title of ?Education? is an important issue for Union. When looked at the progress of Union, it calls attention the relation of education with especially economy politics. At the time of European Community, the present economic conditions have attracted Community?s attention to economical progress and development and some other areas. It is thought that this attention has cost fifty years for Union. Union that develops together with socio?economic progression has attached importance considerably to education politics with especially the beginning of 1980s; together with 2000s, it has begun to take the results of politics and programs. As for these results show clearly the distance that Union gains in the efforts of constructing ?European Culture? and in ?Europeanization?.

The Lisbon Treaty has brought significant changes into the architecture of the European Union. The most important novelty, however, is the establishment of a full unity of the Union structure achieved by creating new and strengthening the existing elements. The new elements of this unity are the disappearance of the European Community, the 'independence' of the European Atomic Energy Community, constituting the European Union as a single entity and the introduction of EU values. At the same time, the Lisbon Treaty has strengthened the existing elements of the common institutional mechanisms, rules on amending the founding treaties and EU membership. However, constituting the Union as a single entity which has replaced and succeeded the European Communities has not abolished the EU elements of diversity. In the areas that differed, even before the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, from the community pillar, there remain significant differences in the nature and the scope of competences of the Union institutions. This mainly regards the common foreign and security policy, which now includes the defense policy, where the existing model of inter-state cooperation has been only slightly interfered with. In contrast, in the field of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters, which has become part of a larger Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the inter-state model of cooperation has been abandoned in some of its most important elements. However, the implementation of some of the important elements of the supranational model has been postponed.

Accession to the European Union (EU) has been one of the most crucial topics of the Turkish foreign policy. This topic, albeit sometimes not having a priority, always remained as a current issue and played a determinant role in Turkey's objective of Westernization. Within this process, parallel to the success that the accession would bring, it became more ascendant in current politics. It acted as the sword of Damocles as a determinant either for the election victories or as a trouble-maker on the head of the parties. The foundation of the Turkey-EU relations was first laid by the Democrat Party in July 31st, 1959 and these relations began to get deepen by the time the Motherland Party (ANAP) came into power in the 1980's. This study aims to determine the reasons that led Turkey to apply for the EU membership, the place of the relations with the Europen Economic Community (EEC) on Turkish foreign policy and the repercussions of this application in the public opinion. Therefore it is going to be given a general overview on the early years of those relations. In the citations taken from the newspapers of the period the expression common market is used for defining Turkey's counterpart while the author himself rather prefers to use the EEC, the predecessor of the EU.

As of 2010, there is an increasing authoritarian political structure in Hungary. Winning the elections, the Fidesz government led by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán makes constitutional amendments in line with the party's purposes, guides the media outlets according to its interests, and silences the opponents. The West, which supports democracy even in other countries, has had to struggle with rising authoritarianism within itself. In this study, the rising authoritarianism in Europe and the position of the EU is examined. The study deals with the issue of authoritarianism in Hungary after evaluating the literature on authoritarianism. In the present study, which includes some comparisons with Turkey, a case study has been carried out. It has been conducted through document analysis method, taking into account the reports published by the Venice Commission and Council of Europe. As a result, it is emphasized how the EU remains weak in preventing authoritarianism and that authoritarianism can be not only in nonWestern countries but also in the West

Today, Europe is living a new decisive time as it has been in its past after World War II, in search of unity in diversity in the name of a peace project to safeguard future. If, on the one hand, Europe expresses aspirations for profound changes in its external environment, in the domestic context, it ends up colliding with aspects linked to sovereignty and human rights; on the other hand, in European foreign policy, the model reveals the search to legitimize its action. Precisely, the objective and the motivation of this study seek, through the qualitative methodology in Political Science, to analyse and understand the current context of the European Union in the international system. In fact, it is identified that this new hierarchy of powers, in the reaffirmation of the Westphalian system, where economic power comes, is bound to consolidate the democratic development between the old and new times of international relations in the destiny of Europe. From the results obtained during the analysis, in order to face again the unpredictability of the world scenario, it is a reality that Europe must promote the re-encounter of an alternative role, in other words, to assume its initial project of European edification in the name of equality of circumstances and rights of its affirmation in the global arena.

Since the end of the 1980s, the intensifying of the politicization process has been one of the important characteristics of the EU integration process. The politicization in the EU is understood as the way of contesting and decision-making on public issues, the way that is opposite to the elitist and technocratic mode of decision-making, typical for the first decades of EU integration. Thus, the politicization, and also the politicization in the EU, is grasped as complementary to the public character of modern politics, especially with democracy. The European union is conceptualized as an extremely compound and non-centralized political system of a non-state type with the elements of consensus democracy and with a deeply segmented society as its basis, divided by national and many transnational lines. Within that society, as well as within its political institutions, the politicization process has been developing which has been influencing the functioning of the system considerably. We explore the experiences of politicization in other compound, consensus democracies in Europe – Belgium and Switzerland – and by comparing the specific cases of politicization, we are searching for the possible specific characteristics of politicization in the EU that stem from its described nature. Also, we are analyzing the possible impact of such politicization on the future of integration and politics in the EU. Although not always contributing to deepening of integration, the politicization in the EU, under specific circumstances, could have a democratizing effect. It serves as the opportunity for stimulating the debates on important issues and articulating the will of the citizens while the adequate forms of participation in the political process are still missing in the EU. In addition, we discuss the potential impact of the politicization of European issues on the gradual creation of the European public sphere or the Europeanisation of the national public spheres, as well as on the Europeanisation of society and emergence of the European political identity among the EU citizens. ; Jedna od značajnijih karakteristika u razvoju evropske integracije od kraja 1980- ih godina jeste intenziviranje procesa politizacije. Politizacija u Evropskoj uniji se razume kao način raspravljanja i odlučivanja o javnim pitanjima suprotan elitističkom i tehnokratskom načinu donošenja odluka, uobičajenom naročito za prve decenije razvoja evropske integracije. Stoga se politizacija, pa i politizacija u Evropskoj uniji, shvata kao komplementarna sa javnim karakterom moderne politike, posebno sa demokratijom. Evropska unija je konceptualizovana kao izrazito složen i necentralizovan politički sistem nedržavnog tipa sa elementima konsensualne demokratije koji za osnovu ima duboko segmentirano društvo, ispresecano osim nacionalnim i mnogim transnacionalnim podelama. Unutar tog društva, kao i unutar političkih institucija, odvija se proces politizacije koja ima značajnog uticaja na funkcionisanje sistema. Rad nastoji da izuči iskustva politizacije drugih složenih, konsensualnih demokratija u Evropi – Belgije i Švajcarske – te poređenjem pojedinih slučajeva politizacije traga za posebnim karakteristikama politizacije u EU koje proističu iz njene opisane prirode, kao i o mogućem uticaju takve politizacije na budućnost integracije i politike u EU. Iako neće uvek doprineti produbljivanju integracije, politizacija u EU pod određenim uslovima može imati demokratizujući uticaj jer predstavlja način da se oživi rasprava o važnim pitanjima i artikuliše volja građana u nedostatku adekvatnih oblika učešća u političkom procesu EU. Dodatno, razmatra se potencijalni uticaj koji politizacija evropskih pitanja može da ima na postepeno kreiranje evropske javne sfere ili evropeizaciju nacionalnih javnih sfera, kao i na evropeizaciju društva i kreiranje evropskog političkog identiteta među građanima Unije.

ÖZET1963 Ankara Anlasması ile kararlastırılan, 1973 Katma Protokol'le ayrıntıları belirlenen ve1 Ocak 1996 itibariyle Türkiye ile Avrupa Birligi arasında tam olarak uygulamaya girenGümrük Birligi, Türkiye ekonomisine sekil veren önemli bir faktördür. Bu nedenledir kiözellikle Türk kamuoyunda yogun olarak tartısılmaktadır. Çalısmanın temel amacı buelestirilerin dayandırıldıkları temellere göre kategorizasyonu ve degerlendirilmesidir. Sonuçolarak, Gümrük Birligi'ne yöneltilen elestirilerin ekonomik entegrasyona degil, ekonomikentegrasyonun modeli üzerine yogunlastıgı söylenebilir. Baska bir deyisle, AB ile Türkiyearasında gerçeklesecek bir ekonomik birlik, Türkiye ekonomisi için serbest ticaretten sonraen iyi seçenek olarak kabul görmektedir denebilir. Elestiriler dört ana kategoride toplanmıstır._lk kategoriyi Gümrük Birligi'nin dayandıgı temel üzerine yapılan elestiriler olustururken,ikinci kategoriyi Gümrük Birligi'nin amacı üzerine yapılan elestiriler olusturur. Üçüncü vedördüncü kategoriler ise sırasıyla Gümrük Birligi'nin Türkiye ekonomisi üzerine etkileri ileGümrük Birligi'nin isleyisinden kaynaklı aksaklıklar olusmaktadır. ABSTRACTThe Customs Union was determined by 1963 Ankara Agreement, detailed by 1973 AdditionalProtocol and became effective in 1996 between Turkey an the EC. Since it is one of majorfactors which effect Turkish economy, it has been very criticized in Turkey. The aim of thestudy is to make a categorization and evaluation of these critics. Although, there have beenmany arguments about this issue in Turkey, most of them have not criticize the direction. Thecritics are not generally concentrated on the concept of economic integration itself, but of itsmodelling. In other words, it can be said that there is a general consensus that Turkey'seconomic integration with the EU is the most rational option. There are four basic categoriesregarding the essence of critics about the current CU in Turkey. The first one is critics on thesource of the CU between Turkey and the EU. The second category is constituted by thecritics on the aim of the CU. The third category of the critics on the CU are classifiedaccording to possible effects of the CU on an economy. The fourth category of the critics onthe CU is about the functioning of it.

Bu tezde Avrupa Birliginin genisleme sürecinde azınlıklar konusunda üstlendigi misyon tartısılmıstır. Bu çerçevede örnek ülkeler olarak Bulgaristan ve Romanya ele alınmıstır. Her iki ülkenin de azınlıklarının durumları Avrupa Birligi'ne adaylıgın getirdigi yeni solukla hız kazanmıstır. Bu çerçevede Avrupa Birligi'ne aday ülkelerin ?Demokratiklesme? ve ?Avrupalılasma? ikiz süreçlerinde normların, kuralların ve kurumların nasıl degistigi devlet, kimlik ve güvenlik iliskisi baglamında irdelenmistir. Sonuç olarak Avrupa Birligi'ne adaylıgın, aday ülkelerdeki azınlıklar üzerindeki etkisi yadsınamaz biçimde ortadadır. Bu etki Romanya ve Bulgaristan incelenerek, ilerleme raporları bazında ve karsılastırmalı olarak ele alınmıstır. ; In this thesis European Union?s mision on minorities has been discussed during the enlargement process. In this regard, Romania and Bulgaria are chosen as case studies. In these countries situation of minorities gained its peak after their applications for the full membership to European Union. The frame of ?Democratization? and ?Europeanisation? co-proceses of the candidate countries in respect of how norms, rules and institutions change in the context of state, identity and security relations are examined. Finally, it has been stated that being a candidate for EU membership has a great impact on the minorities living in these countries. Regular reports on Romania and Bulgaria?s Progress towards accesion have been analyzed and compared between two countries.

The paper analyzes military capabilities of the European Union, as an important element of the credibility of the EU Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). It discusses the development of these capabilities, and main problems that go along with the operationalization of these capabilities, as well as the prospects of their further development. Is the intergovernmental approach to the area of the EU security and defense policy a barrier to the development of EU military capabilities? What is the extent of the harmonization between 'military' competences of the EU and national specificities? The paper aims to provide answers to these questions. The first section analyzes the institutionalization of the EU security and defense policy, which includes both the establishment of special political and military structures responsible for the decision-making process within the framework of this policy, and the adoption of specific goals for the development of EU military capabilities. The second section analyzes the main difficulties met in the operationalization of EU military capabilities, concerning the efficiency of decision-making procedures, lack of strategic capabilities, the discord of national reforms regarding the modernization of the armed forces, and duplication of national programs covering the military equipment. The third section discusses the prospects of the development of EU military capabilities in the light of EU member states' military budget cuts. It concludes that the gradual evolution of the EU security and defense policy can be seen as an incentive for coordinating the efforts of the member states in the development of EU military capabilities.

DergiPark: 326235 ; trakyasobed ; Positive or negative positioning of large non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Turkey' s EU membership process cannot be ignored. In this article, the position of MÜSİAD, which counts as one of the most important employers' associations in Turkey, towards the European Union (EU) shall be discussed. The emergence and expansion of MÜSİAD is closely associated with the conservative/religious identity politics performed by ANAP/Refah Party. It is well known that the association, which has obtained autonomy in the course of time, has been supporting AKP, the government party. Moreover, the February 28 process (1997) and the governance period of the AK Party in Turkey have had an important role in the transition from a hard EU opposition to a (conditional) EU support. The aims of consolidation of their own islamic-islamist dynamics in both culturaleconomic and national-religious fields have made MÜSİAD an active EU actor. Here, it has been asserted that the MÜSİAD, which makes a distinction between EU skepticism and EU opposition, would provide critical contributions to both Turkey' s EU membership process and the deepening of modernization in the country. ; Türkiye' nin AB (Avrupa Birliği) üyelik sürecinde irili Sivil Toplum Örgütleri' nin (STÖ) olumlu-olumsuz pozisyonlanmaları, göz ardı edilecek bir durum değildir. Bu makalede, Türkiye' nin en önemli işverenler örgütleri arasına girmiş MÜSİAD' ın AB pozisyonu ele alınacaktır. MÜSİAD' ın ortaya çıkışı/genişlemesi, ANAP' ın/Refah Partisi' nin yaptıkları muhafazakâr/dinsel kimlik politikası ile yakından ilgilidir. Zaman içerisinde belirli bir özerklik kazanan derneğin, günümüzde iktidar partisi AK Parti' yi desteklediği bilinmektedir. Keskin bir AB karşıtlığı pozisyonundan (şartlı) bir AB destekçiliğine evrilmesinde, 28 Şubat (1997) süreci ve AK Parti' nin iktidar deneyimi önemli bir rol oynamıştır. Gerek kültürel-ekonomik gerekse milli-dini alanlardaki kendi İslami-İslamcı dinamiklerini Batı değerleri ile harmanlama hedefi, MÜSİAD' ı aktif bir AB aktörü haline getirmiştir. Burada, AB şüpheciliğini AB karşıtlığı ile karıştırmayan bir MÜSİAD' ın hem Türkiye' nin AB üyelik ereğine hem de ülkedeki modernleşmenin derinleşmesine kritik katkılar sağlayacağı iddia edilmektedir