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The idea of civic participation in national decision-making processes is an important part of European history. By means of implementing the principle of the sovereignty of nations, those eligible to vote are able to express their will through the institutions of direct democracy and representative democracy. The instruments of direct democracy are an extremely interesting research subject – not only due to the fact that the number of votes on European integration has been very high (especially in the last decade), but also because EU Member States, being aware of the importance of citizen involvement in the process of integration in Europe, established the institution of the European citizens' initiative. Using this instrument, European citizens can impact the politics of the EU. The purpose of this text is to answer the question of the role of direct democracy and its tools in the process of European integration, as well as of the prospects for the use of direct forms of governance in the process of deepening and widening integration in Europe. ; The idea of civic participation in national decision-making processes is an important part of European history. By means of implementing the principle of the sovereignty of nations, those eligible to vote are able to express their will through the institutions of direct democracy and representative democracy. The instruments of direct democracy are an extremely interesting research subject – not only due to the fact that the number of votes on European integration has been very high (especially in the last decade), but also because EU Member States, being aware of the importance of citizen involvement in the process of integration in Europe, established the institution of the European citizens' initiative. Using this instrument, European citizens can impact the politics of the EU. The purpose of this text is to answer the question of the role of direct democracy and its tools in the process of European integration, as well as of the prospects for the use of direct forms of governance in the process of deepening and widening integration in Europe.

The paper deals with the European cooperation in outer space, which in the course of half a century has led to the creation of the European space policy, another European public policy. At the beginning of the paper, the definition framework for public policy was outlined and the European space policy was briefly presented. The analysis begins with an indication of the reasons for establishing cooperation for space, then it covers the history of European space efforts as well as the attempts to institutionalize that cooperation. In the further part of the paper, the process of working out the European space policy and the most recently announced European space programme are analysed. Finally, the conclusions resulting from the analysis give the answer to the questions raised in the paper about the ability to effectively design and execute the space policy, the results of implementation of particular space policy programmes, allocation of resources for the benefit of society, the position of the EU in international relations.

The paper deals with the European cooperation in outer space, which in the course of half a century has led to the creation of the European space policy, another European public policy. At the beginning of the paper, the definition framework for public policy was outlined and the European space policy was briefly presented. The analysis begins with an indication of the reasons for establishing cooperation for space, then it covers the history of European space efforts as well as the attempts to institutionalize that cooperation. In the further part of the paper, the process of working out the European space policy and the most recently announced European space programme are analysed. Finally, the conclusions resulting from the analysis give the answer to the questions raised in the paper about the ability to effectively design and execute the space policy, the results of implementation of particular space policy programmes, allocation of resources for the benefit of society, the position of the EU in international relations. ; Artykuł traktuje o europejskiej współpracy w przestrzeni kosmicznej, która w ciągu półwiecza doprowadziła do utworzenia europejskiej polityki kosmicznej, kolejnej europejskiej polityki publicznej. Na wstępie nakreślone zostały ramy definicyjne polityki publicznej, a także krótko przedstawiono, czym jest europejska polityka kosmiczna. Analiza rozpoczyna się wskazaniem przyczyn nawiązania współpracy na rzecz przestrzeni kosmicznej, następnie obejmuje historię europejskich wysiłków na rzecz przestrzeni kosmicznej aż po próby instytucjonalizacji tej współpracy. W dalszej części artykułu przeanalizowane zostały proces wypracowywania europejskiej polityki kosmicznej oraz niedawna propozycja europejskiego programu kosmicznego. Na zakończenie przedstawiono wnioski z przeprowadzonej analizy, które jednocześnie stanowią odpowiedź na postawione w artykule pytania o zdolność do efektywnego projektowania i wykonywania polityki kosmicznej, rezultaty realizacji poszczególnych programów polityki kosmicznej, alokowanie zasobów z korzyścią dla społeczeństwa, pozycję UE w relacjach międzynarodowych.

Frontmatter -- Table of Contents -- Preface by Series Editor Antonio Loprieno -- Vorwort / Foreword -- Sophie Charlotte (1668–1705): Die Frau, die das Warum des Warum wissen wollte / Sophia Charlotte (1668–1705): The Woman Who Wanted to Know the Why of Why -- Patrona Scientiarum? Maria Theresia als Gründerin der Brüsseler Akademie (1717–1780) / Patrona Scientiarum? Maria Theresa as Founder of the Academy in Brussels (1717–1780) -- Lovisa Ulrikas (1720–1782) akademi: Sveriges första vittra kungliga akademi / Lovisa Ulrika's (1720–1782) academy: Sweden's first learned society -- Katharina die Große als Patronin von Bildung und Wissenschaften im Russischen Imperium (1729–1796) / Catherine the Great as patron of education and sciences in the Russian Empire (1729–1796) -- Ersilia Caetani Lovatelli (1840–1925): La prima donna eletta nell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei / Ersilia Caetani Lovatelli (1840–1925): The first woman elected to the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei -- Beatrice Webb (1858–1943): "A career of disinterested research" -- Maria Skłodowska Curie (1867–1934), kobieta uczona / Maria Skłodowska-Curie (1867–1934), two-time Nobel laureate -- Lise Meitner (1878–1968): Pionierin der Atomphysik / Lise Meitner (1878–1968): Pioneer in Nuclear Physics -- La primera acadèmica catalana: Caterina Albert (1869–1966) / The first female academy fellow in Catalonia: Caterina Albert (1869– 1966) -- Johanna Westerdijk, an extraordinary professor and pioneer in plant pathology (1883–1961) -- Cosán corrach Eleanor Knott MRIA (1886–1975) / Eleanor Knott MRIA (1886–1975): "And there were other barriers" -- Professori Ella Kivikoski (1901–1990): suomalainen tiedenainen arkeologiassa / Professor Ella Kivikoski (1901–1990): A Finnish female scientist in archaeology -- Dorothy Hodgkin (1910–1994): Crystallographer, Chemist, and Role Model -- The Editors / The Authors

The idea of European unity is a political challenge that has been addressed in various forms since the states started forming in the vicinities of the Rhine, Danube and Elbe. In the course of history European integration has evolved to face the challenges of a) merging, crossing and diffusion of cultural patterns represented by different local, regional and supra-regional communities; b) the submission or conquests of regions by empires and imposing defined patterns of cultural life on them; c) the reinforcement of the continental identity vis à vis other civilizations, in particular Asiatic ones; d) the guarantee of safety for states and nations as well as the promotion of the ideas of liberty, the rule of law, self-governance and democracy. In creating the spiritual unity of Europe, the repertoire of values developed by the cultural life of ancient Greece and Rome, as well as Judeo-Christian communities, is commonly referred to. European identity is characterized by a division into cultural and political identification. The idea of European unity is both an intellectual, and a theoretical-doctrinal concept, oriented at the broadest range of cultural and civilizational integration of the continent, as well as a concrete political and economic undertaking. At present, particular significance is attached to the attitude of public opinion when implementing it. The Union's integration is an aspect of numerous implementation projects which depends on the support and legitimization of public opinion. ; The idea of European unity is a political challenge that has been addressed in various forms since the states started forming in the vicinities of the Rhine, Danube and Elbe. In the course of history European integration has evolved to face the challenges of a) merging, crossing and diffusion of cultural patterns represented by different local, regional and supra- regional communities; b) the submission or conquests of regions by empires and imposing defined patterns of cultural life on them; c) the reinforcement of the continental identity vis à vis other civilizations, in particular Asiatic ones; d) the guarantee of safety for states and nations as well as the promotion of the ideas of liberty, the rule of law, self-governance and democracy. In creating the spiritual unity of Europe, the repertoire of values developed by the cultural life of ancient Greece and Rome, as well as Judeo-Christian communities, is commonly referred to. European identity is characterized by a division into cultural and political identification. The idea of European unity is both an intellectual, and a theoretical-doctrinal concept, oriented at the broadest range of cultural and civilizational integration of the continent, as well as a concrete political and economic undertaking. At present, particular significance is attached to the attitude of public opinion when implementing it. The Union's integration is an aspect of numerous implementation projects which depends on the support and legitimization of public opinion.

Główna hipoteza artykułu pt. 'Specjaliści' od UE. O myśleniu potocznym jako granicy poznania wspólnoty europejskiej a sprawa polska brzmi: rozumienie Unii Europejskiej jest kształtowane i wyznaczane przez zdrowy rozsądek (myślenie potoczne). Autor artykułu pokazuje, że kruchość UE jest zakorzeniona w doświadczeniu pornografii demokracji, w której zasady i prawa fundamentalne dla społeczeństwa demokratycznego są wykorzystywane przeciwko obywatelom (por. perspektywa polska czy węgierska). Dlatego zdrowy rozsądek jest traktowany jako granica myśli politycznej. Każdego można w tym kontekście potraktować jako specjalistę od ekonomii, ekologii, spraw międzynarodowych, historii itp. Zdrowy rozsądek urealnia emocje a nie fakty, dlatego można zaobserwować wiele przykładów dyskursów wykluczenia. Jest też inny ważny kontekst: status liberalizmu. Autor artykułu jest przekonany, że myśląc o liberalizmie powinniśmy mieć na uwadze "zwrot biologiczny". ; The main hypothesis of the article titled "Specialists" about European Union. Common sense as the limit of cognition of European community in the context of Polish policy is: understanding of European Union is shaped and determined by common sense (colloquial thinking). The author of the paper shows that the fragility of UE is rooted in the experience of the pornography of democracy where the rules and law fundamental for democratic society are used against citizens (compare with Polish or Hungarian perspective). That is why common sense is treated as the limit of political thought. Everybody in this context can be treated as the specialist of economy, ecology, international affairs, history, etc. Common sense makes emotions much more real than the facts that is why we can observe a lot of examples of the discourses of exclusion. There is also another important context: the status of liberalism. The author of the paper is convinced that in thinking about liberalism we should concern "biological turn".

The idea of European unity is a political challenge that has been addressed in various forms since the states started forming in the vicinities of the Rhine, Danube and Elbe. In the course of history European integration has evolved to face the challenges of a) merging, crossing and diffusion of cultural patterns represented by different local, regional and supra- regional communities; b) the submission or conquests of regions by empires and imposing defined patterns of cultural life on them; c) the reinforcement of the continental identity vis à vis other civilizations, in particular Asiatic ones; d) the guarantee of safety for states and nations as well as the promotion of the ideas of liberty, the rule of law, self-governance and democracy. In creating the spiritual unity of Europe, the repertoire of values developed by the cultural life of ancient Greece and Rome, as well as Judeo-Christian communities, is commonly referred to. European identity is characterized by a division into cultural and political identification. The idea of European unity is both an intellectual, and a theoretical-doctrinal concept, oriented at the broadest range of cultural and civilizational integration of the continent, as well as a concrete political and economic undertaking. At present, particular significance is attached to the attitude of public opinion when implementing it. The Union's integration is an aspect of numerous implementation projects which depends on the support and legitimization of public opinion.

This paper discusses Helena Radlinska's (1879-1954) international activity. Helena Radlińska was the initiator of social pedagogy in Poland but her activities abroad in 1918-1939 is not yet known. Her works, their scope, aims and directions were interconnected with the largest european centres of education: International Congress of Moral Education in London, International Office of Education in Geneva, International Leuge of New Socialization in Geneva, Association of International Conferences of Adult Education in England and International Conferences of Social Services in Paris. Her engagement for many years in these organizations led to multiple social and institutional achievements together with scientific, methodological and methodical developments. Along this route the main life achievement in Radlinska's life- the development of a discipline of social pedaogogy, connects the development of individuals with insvestment in social and cultural spehere of life. Radlinska's activity makes Warsaw of her times one of the core places of international cooperation in the field of education, socialisation and social work.

There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.

Celem artykułu jest ustalenie, czy wielkość miejscowości zamieszkania ma wpływ na deklaracje odnoszące się do wyróżnionych wartości związanych z rodziną, które w istotny sposób orientują działanie człowieka i tym samym tworzą zasady życia społecznego. Tekst napisano w oparciu o wtórną analizę danych statystycznych na podstawie zintegrowanego zbioru danych European Value Study/World Value Survey 2017-2021. Rezultaty badania wskazują, że różnice istotne statystycznie pomiędzy wielkością miejscowości pojawiły się w przypadku wszystkich zmiennych dotyczących rodzicielstwa. Mieszkańcy mniejszych miejscowości okazywali się bardziej konserwatywni. Zależność istotna statystycznie nie wystąpiła w przypadku deklaracji dotyczącej zaufania do rodziny. W przypadku niektórych odpowiedzi odnoszących się do postrzegania ról płciowych pojawiły się również istotne statystycznie różnice pomiędzy mieszkańcami mniejszych i większych miejscowości. Wartości i normy są inne w zależności od kultury, w której się wychowujemy. Kontrola społeczna jest silniejsza w mniejszych miejscowościach, tam bowiem trudniej pozostać anonimowym. Badanie potwierdziło, że wielkość miejscowości zamieszkania w wielu przypadkach istotnie statystycznie różnicuje wartości Polaków związane z rodziną i właśnie mieszkańcy mniejszych miejscowości częściej okazywali się przywiązani do koncepcji bardziej tradycyjnych, konserwatywnych.

Nie ulega wątpliwości, że Unia Europejska, będąca efektem europejskiej integracji jest w historii stosunków międzynarodowych bezprecedensowym podmiotem. Jest symbolem nowej, jednoczącej się Europy, która po negatywnych doświadczeniach postanowiła stać się kontynentem bezpiecznym, a więc wyeliminować raz na zawsze wojnę z życia jej państw i narodów. Niestety, idei "wiecznego pokoju", o czym marzyło wielu polityków i filozofów do dnia dzisiejszego nie udało się do końca zmaterializować. Co więcej, niedawne wojny na Bałkanach i obecna wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska wciąż uniemożliwiają wprowadzenie tej idei do stosunków międzynarodowych w Europie.Celem niniejszego artykułu jest pokazanie Unii Europejskiej dziś, po dziesięciu latach od poszerzenia w 2004 roku jej składu o kolejne dziesięć państw, w tym aż osiem z byłego bloku wschodniego. Artykuł ten ukazuje atuty i słabości UE, która choć uległa dzięki temu poszerzeniu na Wschód daleko idącemu wzmocnieniu, to jednak dziś nie radzi sobie z wieloma problememi ekonomicznymi, politycznymi, społecznymi i międzynarodowymi. W artykule próbuję dać odpowiedź na wiele pytań dotyczących współczesnej UE, m.in. dlaczego tak się dzieje i jakie są tego przyczyny oraz jakie dla niej są perspektywy w XXI wieku. Tezą główną jest tutaj stwierdzenie, że UE wymaga kapitalnego remontu tak, aby mogła dalej rozwijać się i być motorem integracji Europy. Jeśli zaś to nie nastąpi, to UE zacznie się rozpadać i w końcu rozpadnie się lub stanie się co najwyżej strefą wolnego handlu. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration is unprecedented subject in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which after negative experiences decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war of life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of "eternal peace", which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about failed to fully materialize to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible to impose into the international relations in Europe.The purpose of this article is to present the European Union today, ten years after its enlargement of further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc in 2004. This article shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which, although through far enlarge to the East strengthened itself, still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. I try to answer in this text on many questions relating today's EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the XXI century. The thesis main assertion here is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. But if this does not happen, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate or become no more than a free trade zone.

Nie ulega wątpliwości, że Unia Europejska, będąca efektem europejskiej integracji jest w historii stosunków międzynarodowych bezprecedensowym podmiotem. Jest symbolem nowej, jednoczącej się Europy, która po negatywnych doświadczeniach postanowiła stać się kontynentem bezpiecznym, a więc wyeliminować raz na zawsze wojnę z życia jej państw i narodów. Niestety, idei "wiecznego pokoju", o czym marzyło wielu polityków i filozofów do dnia dzisiejszego nie udało się do końca zmaterializować. Co więcej, niedawne wojny na Bałkanach i obecna wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska tę ideę wciąż uniemożliwiają wprowadzić do stosunków międzynarodowych w Europie. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest pokazanie Unii Europejskiej dziś, po dziesięciu latach od poszerzenia w 2004 roku jej składu o kolejne dziesięć państw, w tym aż osiem z byłego bloku wschodniego. Artykuł ten ukazuje atuty i słabości UE, która choć uległa dzięki temu poszerzeniu na Wschód daleko idącemu wzmocnieniu, to jednak dziś nie radzi sobie z wieloma problemami ekonomicznymi, politycznymi, społecznymi i międzynarodowymi. W artykule próbuję dać odpowiedź na wiele pytań dotyczących współczesnej UE, m.in. dlaczego tak się dzieje i jakie są tego przyczyny oraz jakie dla niej są perspektywy w XXI wieku. Tezą główną jest tutaj stwierdzenie, że UE wymaga kapitalnego remontu, tak, aby mogła dalej rozwijać się i być motorem integracji Europy. Jeśli zaś to nie nastąpi, to UE zacznie się rozpadać i w końcu rozpadnie się lub stanie się co najwyżej strefą wolnego handlu. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 en-largement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which - although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement - still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.

The paper discusses the issue of the legitimacy of power as one of the key factors to ensure the stability of government and the entire socio-political system of state. The starting point for the analysis is provided by the "neofunctional elitist paradigm" (as named by its creator) that has been developed for over thirty years by John Higley and his collaborators. According to this paradigm, an opportunity for efficient communication between the government elite and the most important opposition elite is one of the methods for creating a "consolidated democracy", which, in the opinion of the authors of the paradigm, is the most desirable model of modern system of representative democracy. Further on in the paper, the history of the main issues related to the legitimacy and legitimization of power are presented using selected examples, primarily with reference to the main theoretical concepts of power and its legitimacy. The main part of the analysis concerns Poland and selected countries in this region, and the issue of whether it is justified to classify them as consolidated democracies. The author reminds of J. Higley's opinion that Poland and Hungary witnessed negotiations between the representatives of the former, socialist elite and members of the opposition at the beginning of the process of political transformation. Owing to that, "consensual elites" emerged in both countries. The author also notes that the process of transformation in this part of Europe (and in particular in Poland) is, in a way, 'traditionally' assessed much more positively by political scientists and sociologists from the West than by the academics (let alone journalists and politicians) in Poland. This favorable assessment is exemplified by their including Poland in a group of a few countries with a "consolidated democracy". ; The paper discusses the issue of the legitimacy of power as one of the key factors to ensure the stability of government and the entire socio-political system of state. The starting point for the analysis is provided by the "neofunctional elitist paradigm" (as named by its creator) that has been developed for over thirty years by John Higley and his collaborators. According to this paradigm, an opportunity for efficient communication between the government elite and the most important opposition elite is one of the methods for creating a "consolidated democracy", which, in the opinion of the authors of the paradigm, is the most desirable model of modern system of representative democracy. Further on in the paper, the history of the main issues related to the legitimacy and legitimization of power are presented using selected examples, primarily with reference to the main theoretical concepts of power and its legitimacy. The main part of the analysis concerns Poland and selected countries in this region, and the issue of whether it is justified to classify them as consolidated democracies. The author reminds of J. Higley's opinion that Poland and Hungary witnessed negotiations between the representatives of the former, socialist elite and members of the opposition at the beginning of the process of political transformation. Owing to that, "consensual elites" emerged in both countries. The author also notes that the process of transformation in this part of Europe (and in particular in Poland) is, in a way, 'traditionally' assessed much more positively by political scientists and sociologists from the West than by the academics (let alone journalists and politicians) in Poland. This favorable assessment is exemplified by their including Poland in a group of a few countries with a "consolidated democracy".

I assert that methodological nationalism (national paradigm) is one of the main reasons of methodological inertia of the current historiography especially in the area of the post-communist European countries. In the current article I argue that comparative history could be a bridge between conventional (mainstream) historiography and approaches of so-called macrohistory. In this context typology should be treated as one of possible methods of comparative history. The most traditional approach of medievalists to articulate classification of pre-modern European societies is consider whether particular pre-modern society is feudal or not. However I argue that this approach is quite complicated because of ambiguity and polysemy of the term. There are at least several Marxist and non-Marxist alternatives like the tributary mode of production, patrimonialism versus feudalism dichotomy or the so-called type/model of early Central European state. The application of the concept of the African mode of production in the case of typology of some European pre-modern peripheral societies despite of its paradoxically looking etimology also is plausible. ; I assert that methodological nationalism (national paradigm) is one of the main reasons of methodological inertia of the current historiography especially in the area of the post-communist European countries. In the current article I argue that comparative history could be a bridge between conventional (mainstream) historiography and approaches of so-called macrohistory. In this context typology should be treated as one of possible methods of comparative history. The most traditional approach of medievalists to articulate classification of pre-modern European societies is consider whether particular pre-modern society is feudal or not. However I argue that this approach is quite complicated because of ambiguity and polysemy of the term. There are at least several Marxist and non-Marxist alternatives like the tributary mode of production, patrimonialism versus feudalism dichotomy or the so-called type/model of early Central European state. The application of the concept of the African mode of production in the case of typology of some European pre-modern peripheral societies despite of its paradoxically looking etimology also is plausible.