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REVISTA INTERNACIONAL DE SOCIOLOGÍA. VOL. 74. NRO. 4 -- PÁGINA LEGAL -- SUMARIO -- INTRODUCTION -- MECHANISMS OF SOCIAL MOVEMENT (...) -- DELIBERATIVE PROTESTS? PERSUADING POLITICIANS (...) -- SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND INTERRELATED EFFECTS -- FROM THE STREET TO INSTITUTIONS THROUGH (...) -- MOVEMENT AND EMPOWERMENT: EXPLAINING THE (...)

This book collects a part of the works developed within the framework of the project research "Andalucia and politics American of the Liberal Triennium (1820-1823)". coordinated by Gonzalo Butrón Prida from the University of Cádiz (Spain) and financed by the Government of Andalucia. The studies gathered here provide new perspectives on approaching the issue Americana on the complex stage opened by the Spanish revolution of 1820. All of them contribute to explaining the failure of the new liberal regime when proposing an exit consensual, both for its resistance to recognize that everything was lost, as for his naive confidence in the ability thaumaturgy of the recovered Constitution Cádiz. Furthermore, as is evident from Throughout the volume, the Liberal Triennium served especially of encouragement and impulse to theindependences.

This article analyzes the support for democracy in Chile from an economic, institutional and political perspective. It uses data from Latinobarómetro for the period 1996-2007 and a statistical method of estimation, "ordered logit", in order to answer the question of why support for Chilean democracy is not connected with economic growth. The analysis generates three key results of interest. First, regardless of the fact that GDP per capita does not have any effect on the level of support for democracy, it does affect individuals' perceptions of economic performance, since the variable "economic situation" is one of the most explanatory variable of the model. Second, the analysis demonstrates the importance of the degree of confidence in the Congress at the moment that perceptions of democracy are evaluated. Third, "political ideology" is the most useful variable in explaining support for democracy, a fact which suggests that the adherents of the right wing do not support the democratic system. This is the most reliable reason for the moderate level of support for democracy in Chile.

The Second International marked a stage in the history of the labor movement characterized by the formation of mass parties, the growth of trade unions, the development of numerous social organizations and the constitution of an international sphere for the circulation of ideas. In this paper we comparatively investigate the debates on imperialism of two of its most important parties, the German (SPD) and French (SFIO) Social Democracy. We inquire into his analysis of European colonial expansion, the causes of imperialism, and the prospects for a war between the powers. In turn, we examine their political action around these issues and the positions on imperialism of their main internal tendencies, weighing their impact on party politics. Both organizations debated and positioned themselves on these issues within the framework of an agitated political situation marked by wars of conquest, episodes of rebellion in the colonies and various war crises between European states. The contradictory development of these debates is an important factor in explaining the different reactions in these parties to the First World War and the subsequent split of international socialism between communists and reformists.