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My current study's main focus concentrates on the political parties and organizations of Vojvodina (officially: Autonomous Province of Vojvodina), from their earliest movements –dating back to the events of the Eastern-European democratic transformations –to nowadays' situation. To establish the topic I consider it quite important to emphasize and give a general view about the possibilities of advocation available during the reign of the previous regime as well as the main characteristics of the Southern Slavic minority politics. Beginning with the 1990s, in the northern territory of Serbia, we witnessed the formation of one of the most complex and complicated party relations existing in the Carpathian Basin between Hungarian parties, due to which the majority of the divided community turned away from the parties declaredly representing their interest. I will attempt to discuss the course events in a chronological order, exploring the reason and origin of the animosity lying between these organizations. Although the autocracy of Milošević had been abolished for over ten years, most of the original goals of these parties have not been met as of yet. Despite this, there is no prospect of cooperation among them, though the underlying cause is not an ideological one but the very reason of nearly two-decade-long individual oppositions.

The study deals with employee participation in corporate and plant management, showing the historical course of the formation and development from the early twentieth century to the end of World War II. Following World War II, the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) developed a system of 50-50% ownership and employee representation in both areas, which in the early 1970s was transformed into two-thirds ownership and one-third employee representation. Next, the study presents the structural nature of the current participatory institutional system, the electoral system, and the licensing system in a comparative manner.

The aim of the study and the related presentation was to analyze the rules of the Hungarian and Polish administrative procedures in relation to the client status of (minority) NGOs, especially those belonging to the Polish nationality, in order to draw conclusions and make recommendations in the administrative proceedings to develop and promote the participation of non-governmental organizations. The presence of these organizations, especially in cases where there is a conflict of interest and / or the presence of a large number of clients, can make a major contribution to increasing the transparency of the regulatory process, achieving the actual objectives of the regulatory process and exercising adequate social control. A comparison of the experiences of Hungary and Poland is made possible by the accession to the supranational legal order of the European Union, which started at a similar time, and by the harmonization processes and similar legal and social conditions. The research related to the lecture was supported by the Wacław Felczak Foundation, with a scholarship called "Jagello".

This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.

The aim of the study is to present the European Parliamentary elections taking place on 22 May 2014. The first part of the study focuses on the results, the Europeans and the Hungarian as well. The turnout was almost the same as last elections in 2009, but the balance of power has been shifted slightly. The political groups have remained almost the same like before. The European People's Party lost several mandates, the Socialists and the Greens managed to maintain almost the same size of group with a small loss, while the liberals lost the biggest. The European Conservatives became the third biggest political group in the newly elected European Parliament. The left wing parties are also the winners of this election: the GUE/NGL succeeded to gain several new seats. The study also shows how the newly elected European Parliament (EP) held its inauguration session. The first step was the formation of the different political groups. Then, during its inauguration session held in Strasbourg, the new members of the parliament elected the President, the 14 Vice-Presidents, and the quaestors. In addition, the essay gives a short outlook to the ongoing institutional changes, mainly concentrating on the new European Commission.

The study undertakes to clarify some basic issues that have been erroneously recorded in the public consciousness, to make a kind of confrontation in order to take the initial steps of improving the Romanian−Hungarian relationship. In order to achieve the above goal and basic thesis, it is a primary task to illuminate and banish the mistakes and myths recorded in the public consciousness from both sides. In this context, it is revealed that neither the topos of the "millennial Hungarian oppression" simplified to the extreme nor the thesis of the "slow − anti-Hungarian − Romanian national occupation" can be held. In the interest of constructive dialogue, it is worth returning to the position that prevailed in the Hungarian reform era, and even at the time of the unification of the Romanian states, according to which the interdependence and commonality of destiny of the two peoples is a real and common path. To this end, the study uses legal history to present the original meaning of nationalism, the majority and minority arguments made during the drafting of the Hungarian Nationality Act of 1868, the models that can be interpreted in the majority−minority relationship, and the relationship of the two states to these models then and in the present day. In this context, the constitutional conceptions of Hungary and Romania are analysed in connection with the minority issue with the intention to prove the legitimacy of the needs of the Hungarian minority. The basic premise of the study in this area is that if a minority demand was legitimate from the Hungarian side within the Hungarian state, then the argumentum a simile from the Hungarian side is necessarily legitimate within the Romanian state.

Programs of the Spanish Left Wing Parties on the Eve of the 1936 Parliamentary Elections In the months before the elections this parties prepared programs presenting their inmediate, and some of their long-term goals, reacting to one another in the process. The worker and the bourgeois-democratic republican parties tried to overcome their disagreements in order to form a wide common block facing the similarly fragmented right parties. While the programs of the worker parties featured more radical ideas, the bourgeois-democratic document focused primarily on the reconstruction of the constitutional achievments of the 1931-1933 socialist–republican government. In the end, the common program backed by numerous organizations contained overhelming the goals of the buorgeois democratic parties, referring to the differences between the parties. This proved to be sufficient for winning by a wide margin. ; Programs of the Spanish Left Wing Parties on the Eve of the 1936 Parliamentary Elections In the months before the elections this parties prepared programs presenting their inmediate, and some of their long-term goals, reacting to one another in the process. The worker and the bourgeois-democratic republican parties tried to overcome their disagreements in order to form a wide common block facing the similarly fragmented right parties. While the programs of the worker parties featured more radical ideas, the bourgeois-democratic document focused primarily on the reconstruction of the constitutional achievments of the 1931-1933 socialist–republican government. In the end, the common program backed by numerous organizations contained overhelming the goals of the buorgeois democratic parties, referring to the differences between the parties. This proved to be sufficient for winning by a wide margin.

In my study, I explore the logical self-contradictions stemming from the legal category of the national minority and argue that the minority rights that create this category are unsuitable for resolving the fundamental existential paradox of minority status. Similarly to Sándor Makkai, I see the minority paradox in the lack of homeliness of the physical home. In my view, homeliness as a measure of social defaultness is a function of the consensus prevailing in society and thus is related to the legal order of the state hosting the minority. To resolve this existential paradox of ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania, I find it necessary to recognize the right to homeliness, which entails stepping out from the paradigm of minority rights.

The field of investigation of penology, the concept of criminal penalty as well as its general and specific goals and content have not changed despite drafting and formulating more and more types of criminal penalties in the penal/criminal codes over the past several decades. Regardless of the aforementioned, penology these days must have specific responses to situations – whether it is justified to extend the sphere of criminal penalties to penalties in case of which the goal of imposing penalty can be achieved in other ways, or whether it is necessary to apply the traditional penal measures to facts or perpetrators, in case of whom applying other measures can be more efficient in order to achieve either the protection of society or general prevention. This study is aimed at finding answers to these questions.

A magyar politikai és katonai vezetés és 1920-ban még reális lehetőséget látott az békefeltételek, módosítására. Az elképzelés részben a csehszlovák állam komoly belső problémáira épített. Másrészt szovjet-orosz Vörös Hadsereg Közép-Európát veszélyeztető sikerei teremthettek a régióban válsághelyzetet. Mindkét esetben számítani lehetetett arra, hogy a nyugati hatalmak kedvezően fogadnák a Magyar Nemzeti Hadsereg fellépését, a szovjetek által fenyegetett Lengyelország megsegítésére, a térség stabilizálására, a bolsevik veszély elhárítására. Ehhez azonban a magyar csapatoknak be kellett volna vonulniuk a Felvidékre. A magyar kormány titkos tárgyalásokat folytatott francia személyiségekkel, melyek hajlottak volna arra, hogy a magyar segítségért cserébe Felvidék, vagy annak legalább a keleti része ismét magyar fennhatóság alá kerülhessen. A katonai tervek (Ébredés, Pirkadás, Árpád) végül a politikai feltételek hiánya miatt nem valósulhattak meg. A szovjet előretörést a lengyelek megállították, Csehszlovákiában pedig nem került sor bolsevik fordulatra. In 1920, the Hungarian political and military leadership still saw a realistic opportunity to modify the peace conditions. The idea was partly built on the serious interior problems of the Czecho-Slovakian. On the other hand, a crisis situation might have been created in the region by the success of the Soviet-Russian Red Army that was pushing forward towards the West. In both cases, it could have been possible to count on the Western powers' favourable receipt of the act of the Hungarian National Army in order to help Poland that was threatened by the Soviets, to stabilise the region, and to eliminate Bolshevik threat. However, in order to do that, the Hungarian troops had had to march in the Highlands. The Hungarian Government held confidential negotiations with French personalities who would have propended to accept that in turn of Hungarian help, Highland or at least its Eastern part could belong again under Hungarian control. Eventually, the military plans (Awakening, Dawn, Arpad) could not be implemented because of the lack of political conditions. The Polish stopped the Soviets' sudden attack, while in Czecho-Slovakia no Bolshevik turn took place.

There were two significant milestones in the lives of Central and Eastern European countries. One was the political, social and economic change of regime during which the former centralized system was demolished. The other was the accession to the European Union, which provided an opportunity for this macro region for convergence as well as a social, economic and regional cohesion in Europe. Both of them had a significant effect on the development policy of the countries, thus that of Hungary as well. The exclusivity of the top-down policy ceased. Nevertheless, due to the learning of democratic patterns, the lack of balance in political power and the lack of funds a kind of reflection period was characteristic of the development policy the result of which was a kind of mixture of top-down and bottom-up policy. By joining the European Union clear external rules and mechanisms of action came into effect. Significant funds became accessible that strengthened the centralization and the top-down approach in the Hungarian development policy. The regional dimensions of the development endeavours appeared in many different ways in our country, but finally the regional formations that were suitable for serving the top-down development policy strengthened. The individual areas were affected miscellaneously by the regional dimension of the development tendencies. While funds were provided by the European Union for them, the bottom-up initiatives were not sufficiently welcomed. Such an area is in many ways that of Lake Balaton, which is homogeneous as far as tourism is concerned but administratively, thus from the perspective of development policy, it is split. Due to the top-down approach as well as the strengthening of the bureaucratic development policy the role of this area in the development policy is fading. This can later have a negative effect on the valuable, unique character of the region.

As a result of the unfavourable global processes, the EU's ability to sustain a sufficient standard of living according to the share of the global GDP, is in real, perceptible danger. In order to avoid the gloomy scenario, and to handle the unpredictable risks the European Commission is getting framing new strategies. These long term conceptions contain priorities, which serve as guideline to reach the goals, objects proposed. To enhance the competitiveness of the EU there are several (direct and indirect) means to apply. One of these is the less known European Court of Auditors (ECA). The ECA –in the course of its functions –contributes to the financially effective, economical, efficient, regular and transparent priority oriented use of the sources of the EU-budget, and hereby catalyzing the development of the competitive features. Henceforth I represent the functional activity, work of the European Court of Auditors regarding the cohesion policy and the linkage to the general competitivness.