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1 Vorwort / Michael Brzoska 11. - 2 Einleitung: Konflikte vermitteln? Lehren und Lernen in der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung / Mathias Bös, Lars Schmitt und Kerstin Zimmer 13. - 3 Blick zurück nach vorne - Perspektiven der Friedens- und Konfliktlehre / Mathias Bös und Ralf Zoll 25. - 4 Friedenswissenschaft liche Masterstudiengänge: Nachholende Entwicklung als Erfolgsmodell? / Tanja Brühl 39. - 5 Rollen- und Planspiele in der Lehre: Komplexität verstehen, strategisch handeln / Thorsten Gromes und Sina Kowalewski 59. - 6 Vermitteln vermitteln. Mediation, Macht und Sozioanalyse in der Friedens- und Konfliktforschungslehre / Lars Schmitt 75. - 7 Brücken bauen durch Service Learning - zum Verhältnis von Theorie und Praxis in universitären Lehrveranstaltungen / Kerstin Zimmer 99. - 8 Vom Seminarraum ins Feld und zurück - Potenziale und Herausforderungen von Feldforschung im Studium / Susanne Buckley-Zistel (unter Mitarbeit von David Loew, Levent Esan, Irene Erben) 117. - 9 Lehren und Lernen in der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung aus studentischer Perspektive / Manuel Mecklenburg 135. - 10 Die Einführung friedenswissenschaftlicher Studiengänge in Deutschland -Ursachen, Erscheinungsformen, Konsequenzen / Stephan Sielschott 147. - 11 Peace Studies and Conflict Analysis and Resolution (CAR) Programs: An American Example Against a Global Backdrop / Dennis J.D. Sandole 167. - 12 "Agents for Peace?" Potenziale und Hindernisse für sozialen Wandel durch Friedenslehre - Das Peace and Conflict Studies Masterprogramm der Makerere Universität in Kampala, Uganda / Lydia Marion Koblofsky 193. - 13 Der Zivile Friedensdienst im Kontext von "Transitional Justice" - Fachkräfte zwischen Theorie und Praxis / Heike Burba und Romy Stanzel (unter Mitarbeit von Priska Palacios, Isabel Rodde, Martin Schulze-Allen) 215. - 14 Ist die Friedens- und Konfliktforschung auf dem Weg zur Disziplin? Ein wissenschaftssoziologischer Blick auf die Bedeutung von Studiengängen für die Ausdifferenzierung von D

PRIF's new research program started in 2018. For at least the next five years the ambivalent relationship of "Coercion and Peace" will provide the framework for a significant part of the research conducted at the institute. Different research groups will focus on the conditions, forms, effects and kinds of legitimation that characterize coercion to peace as well as coercion in peace. The topic is not merely of academic relevance. By studying the complex ways in which coercion and peace relate to each other the researchers aim at shedding light on the current plight of the international order and its consequences for international and intra­state conflict. The present report outlines the new research program. It identifies overarching questions, crucial conceptual clarifications, and important analytical distinctions, as well as research gaps and research topics.

Following its parliamentary elections in October 2020, Kyrgyzstan found itself facing post-election protests and a political crisis which resulted in a new political landscape. On 10 January 2021, Kyrgyz citizens voted for a new president and a fast-tracked constitutional reform to return to a presidential system. Although the protests in October 2020 resulted in political turnover, their momentum is currently being used to concentrate power in the hands of the president. Autocratic tendencies, corruption scandals, and socioeconomic grievances, which were further aggravated by the Covid-19 pandemic, have marked recent developments in Kyrgyzstan.

The security dimension has long been the most contentious aspect of US-China relations, marked by strategic mistrust, great-power competition and several flashpoints in East Asia. Until recently, these tensions were moderated by much warmer and closer economic ties, civil society exchanges in business, education, academia, culture and tourism, as well as shared interests in globalization and trade. However, recent moves by the US and Chinese governments to "securitize" the previously cooperative aspects of their relationship have fundamentally altered this dynamic and greatly increased the likelihood of a permanent confrontation between the two great powers.

On 21st February 2023, the Chinese Foreign Ministry released its concept for a "Global Security Initiative", a white paper outlining the country's proposed solution to challenges across traditional and non-traditional security issues. While the content mostly amounts to a restatement of long-standing principles and pooling of existing activities under a new label, its packaging as a "global initiative" should be seen as a statement of intent, claiming a much greater role in international politics. The sketched Chinese security agenda differs significantly from that of Western powers in both its principles and practices, making this field a new arena of competition between both sides.