Der ehemalige Präsident der USA, Jimmy Carter, hat nach wie vor großen politischen Einfluß und greift aktiv in das heutige politische Geschehen ein. 1986 gründete er in Georgia den Carter Center, ein öffentliches politisches Institut,von wo aus Projekte zur Konfliktforschung, zu Menschenrechten, Demokratisierung und Entwicklungshilfe durchgeführt werden. Neben seiner aktiven Mitarbeit in diesem Institut ist Jimmy Carter unermüdlich weltweit unterwegs in humanitärer Mission (SWP-Drh)
Examines development of the petroleum industry in the territory surrounding the Caspian Sea, and competing political strategies and alliances developed in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, Russia, and other countries to fully exploit this industry. Summaries in English p. 468 and Spanish p. 481.
The third military district comprised the states of Georgia, Alabama and Florida. In August, 1868, it was consolidated with the Second military district, including North Carolina and South Carolina, the whole being designated as the Department of the South. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Photocopies of typescripts of letters from Joseph Thomas. He was born about 1824 in England (likely Yorkshire), and served in the 85th Regiment, New York State Volunteers. He married an Elizabeth (Libbie) Youngs about 1861, and he died in Andersonville Prison, Georgia, on August 3, 1864.
Robert Habersham writes from Savannah, Georgia, to Alden Partridge in Charlottesville, Virginia, regarding money owed by James B. Sealy, probably referring to an outstanding account at Partridge's American Literary, Scientific, and Military Academy. ; Transcription by Joel Kindrick. Transcriptions may be subject to error.
Summarization: Background On the 20th September 2005, soldiers and staff at the Air Force base in Western Greece experienced an outbreak of acute gastroenteritis. The purpose of this study was to identify the agent and the source of the outbreak in order to develop control measures and to avoid similar outbreaks in the future. Methods A case-control analytical approach was employed with 100 randomly selected cases and 66 controls. Patients completed standardized questionnaires, odds ratios were calculated and statistical significance was determined using χ2 test. In addition, to identify the source of the infection, we performed bacteriological examination of food samples (included raw beef, cooked minced meat, grated cheese and grated cheese in sealed package) collected from the cuisine of the military unit. Results More than 600 out of the 1,050 individuals who ate lunch that day, became ill. The overall attack rate, as the military doctor of the unit estimated it, was at least 60%. The overall odds ratio of gastroenteritis among those who had lunch was 370 (95% CI: 48–7700) as compared to those who didn't eat lunch. Among the symptoms the most prominent were watery diarrhoea (96%) and abdominal pain (73%). The mean incubation period was 9 h and the median duration of the symptoms was 21 h. In the bacteriological examination, Staphylococcus aureus was detected in a sample of raw beef (2,000 cfu per g) and in two samples of grated cheese; leftover cheese from lunch (7,800 cfu per g) and an unopened package purchased from the market (3,000 cfu per g). Conclusion The findings of this study suggest that the aetiological agent of this outbreak was S. aureus. The food vehicle was the grated cheese, which was mixed with the beef and served for lunch in the military unit. This outbreak highlights the capacity of enterotoxin-producing bacteria to cause short term, moderately-severe illness in a young and healthy population. It underscores the need for proper food handling practices and reinforces the public health ...
Relevance. The "color revolutions" that literally filled the entire post-Soviet space in the early 2000s are based not only on political roots, but to a large extent on a socio-economic basis, which manifested itself in the miserable existence of citizens of the post-Soviet space who saw the reason for their economic difficulties in power, in its inability to govern the state at this stage. The purpose is to reveal the influence of socio-economic factors on the process of the "color" revolutions on the example of such countries as Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan. Methods. Objectives: consider the dynamics of the main macroeconomic indicators of the EU and the US from 2015 to 2020; to study and visualize the dynamics of GDP growth, GDP in PPP per capita, inflation in the EU member states for 2016–2020; investigate the dynamics of the total US government debt for 2015-2020. Metodology: the method of statistical and critical analysis of data from world agencies (Solidarity center, Center for International Private Enterprise CIPE, International Republican Institute, National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, National Security Council); the method of comparative analysis was used to compare the socio-economic causes and consequences of the "color revolutions" in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Ukraine. Results. "Color revolutions" in the post-Soviet space were developed according to the same technologies developed in the West and tested in the countries of the Near and Middle East during the period of "velvet" revolutions. The only basis for their course, which ensured their success, was the worse state of the country's economy, the poverty of the bulk of the population and the presence of youth groups financed from the West to incite protest and sometimes nationalist sentiments. Conclusions. After the events in Georgia and Ukraine in Russia, at the level of high-ranking government officials, decision-makers gradually formed a point of view according to which "revolutionary events" in the CIS republics are causing real damage to Russian national interests in the post-Soviet space. Key words: Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, post-Soviet space, "color revolutions".
The higher-level purpose of this study is to provide information to be used to raise the ambition of Georgia's nationally determined contribution (NDCs) and to consider adaptation targets for the Black Sea coast of Georgia. The study also aims to highlight how supporting a blue economy can accelerate the implementation of adaptation measures required to reduce climate risks and contribute towards the region's socioeconomic development and environmental conservation. The methodology used in the present study consists of five main steps: define the geographic scope; review available climate change projections; identify key climate risks and vulnerabilities for coastal Georgia; assess the impact of climate change on economic sectors and infrastructure, and possible adaptation options; and prioritize initial recommendations and key climate adaptation actions. The approach used to evaluate the various impacts on coastal Georgia consisted of a qualitative analysis and expert input from international and local teams. This included an assessment of feasible adaptation options. Discussions with local experts and government agencies were also carried out in order to gain further details of vulnerable areas and evaluate both the potential for specific adaptation measures to yield economic benefits as well as the feasibility and acceptability of these options. The report is organized in six chapters. Chapter one introduces the purpose, objectives, methodology, and limitations for the study. Chapter two provides an overview of Georgia's coastal zone economic sectors, while chapter three provides an overview of Georgia's coastal climate and climate change impacts. Chapter four presents the priority risks for coastal Georgia, based on the existing cost of environmental degradation estimates and climate change projections. Chapter five discusses the impacts of climate change on Georgian coastal economic sectors, health and infrastructure, through the prism of the priority risks described in the previous chapter and presents a menu of adaptation options. Chapter six discusses the conclusions of the study and makes initial information, institutional, and investment recommendations, and key actions, including key actions required to implement climate adaptation on the ground.
1Human rights — Treaties — Interpretation of human rights treaties — Compromissory clauses — Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Article 22 — Whether imposing preconditions on the seisin of the International Court of Justice — Scope of application of Convention — Whether applicable extraterritorially — Conflict between Georgia and Russian Federation in 2008 — Allegations of ethnic cleansing in Abkhazia and South Ossetia — Whether dispute regarding the interpretation or application of the ConventionInternational Court of Justice — Provisional measures of protection — Criteria for indication of measures — Prima facie basis for jurisdiction — Application by Georgia against Russian Federation — Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Article 22 — Whether prima facie basis for jurisdiction — Measures must be designed to protect rights which might form the subject-matter of a judgment — Requirement of urgencyInternational Court of Justice — Jurisdiction — Consent of States as basis of jurisdiction — Dispute — Definition of dispute — Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Article 22 — Types of dispute covered by Article 22 — Conflict between Georgia and Russian Federation in 2008 — Whether dispute between the Parties regarding the interpretation or application of the Convention — Date on which dispute came into existence — Whether Article 22 imposing preconditions on seisin of the Court — Requirement of negotiations — Relationship between decision on prima facie basis of jurisdiction at provisional measures stage and definitive ruling on jurisdiction — Whether compromissory clauses in human rights treaties requiring different approach to interpretationInternational organizations — United Nations — Security Council — Exchanges between States in meetings of Security Council — Whether capable of establishing existence of dispute — Whether capable of constituting attempt to resolve dispute by negotiationTreaties — Interpretation — Principles of interpretation — Principle of effet utile — Role within framework of treaty interpretation — Human rights treaties — Compromissory clauses — Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Article 22 — Approach to interpretation2War and armed conflict — International armed conflict — Conflict between Georgia and Russia in 2008 — Conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia — Ethnic cleansing — Whether giving rise to dispute within Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Article 22
Robert E. Lee writes to Samuel Cooper to request an order for General States Rights Gist to report to Major General J.C. Pemberton for duty with the troops under his command in South Carolina and Georgia. He also advises General Trapier to report to General Beauregard for duty, signed by Robert E. Lee, 8 April 1862. ; https://digitalcommons.wofford.edu/littlejohnmss/1257/thumbnail.jpg
This article examines the role of the far right in political polarisation in Georgia. Polarisation has been a constant feature of Georgian politics, reaching new levels after the 2020 parliamentary elections. On the one hand, polarisation leaves little (if any) room in the political space for newcomers and small actors, including the far right. Carving out a niche in an extremely polarised political space requires a strong, consolidated, alternative force. To date, the fragmented nature of the Georgian far-right movement has hindered its mobilisation as a viable alternative to either the ruling party, Georgian Dream, or the opposition. On the other hand, the far right has also played a role in polarisation: Critics have argued that far-right groups have been used as an instrument to fuel polarisation further. Even though the activities of the far right seem to play into the interests of one end of the polarised political space more than the other, this article asserts that the far-right movement should not be reduced to a mere instrument in the hands of political powers.
Регион Кавказа это геополитически один из важнейших регионов мира. С момента приобретения независимости Армения, Азербайджан и Грузия развивают политический диалог с Польшей. Целью данной статьи является выявить динамику двусторонних отношений Польши со странами Южного Кавказа, указать их основные события и сферы сотрудничества. Автор статьи выделяет 3 этапа, которые прошла польская политика в отношении к странам Южного Кавказа. Отмечается, что польские попытки углубления сотрудничества с Грузией и Азербайджаном были необоснованными, кроме того, польской дипломатии не удалось вовлечь данные страны в зону собственных интересов.The Caucasus region is one of the most geopolitically important in the World. For Poland's foreign policy it plays relatively small role. Despite of that after gaining independence by Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan in the beginning of 90's they emerged as a new partners for Polish diplomacy.The main goal of the following paper is to present the dynamics of Poland's bilateral relations with South Caucasus' countries and the milestones of bilateral cooperation. The author's thesis is that Poland's policy towards South Caucasus states has undergone three stages. He concludes that unprecedented development of relations with Georgia and Azerbaijan was not well motivated. Poland failed to involve Caucasian states to own political game in the post Soviet space.
The Soviet Union left behind what is now called the post-Soviet space-a political picture that radically differs from the one of the previous period. Fifteen new independent states destroyed the rigidly hierarchical system dominated by one actor to introduce a regional anarchically-organized system. Although this structural change did indeed create a system that functioned as a regional complex of interdependent central security interests of the newly independent states, it nevertheless displayed certain specific features. Its dimensions and structural-political specifics make the system different from what is regarded as the classical standard Regional Security Complex (RSC), in which the closely interconnected security interests of all states are based on their geographic proximity and where "the security dynamics of the region are not determined by the unipolar power at its center." B. Buzan and O. Weaver have described the regional system of the post-Soviet space as a "centered great power regional security complex." At the same time, having detached themselves from the metropolitan country, the newly independent states formed local interstate systems-regional security sub-complexes. Such are the Baltic sub-complex, which includes Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia, the East European (Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova), the Central Caucasian (Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia), and the Central Asian (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan). The newly formed sub-systems remain more or less autonomous, while Russia has preserved the function of the "center" that brings them together into a single "web" of interdependence of the post-Soviet security macro-complex (PSM). Russia is the only geopolitical actor in this structure able to consistently spread its influence on a regional scale; by the same token, it is the key security factor for all the newly independent states in all the sub-systems described above. This means that the development of the local complexes, the dynamics of the security relations among all the states involved, and their ties with the outside centers of power are all products not only of endogenous factors, but also of their dependence on Russia's geopolitical activity. The very fact that four of the post-Soviet states (Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova) formed an alliance (GUAM) and it underwent subsequent development confirmed the specific features of the security system in the post-Soviet space described above. On the one hand, GUAM is the natural result of the development of the security sphere in the PSM "immature anarchical" and unbalanced political structure. On the other, it is the result of the geopolitical rivalry between Russia and outside centers of power. This means that GUAM's future is part and parcel of the PSM's internal development and its relations with the outside world.
Straipsnyje informacinio karo aspektu nagrinėjamas 2008 metų rugpjūtį kilusio penkių dienų konfliktotarp Rusijos ir Gruzijos atspindėjimas Lietuvos ir Italijos internetinėje žiniasklaidoje. Nagrinėjamasinformacinio karo vaidmuo 2008 metų Rusijos ir Gruzijos kare. Aptariamas karinio konflikto pateikimaspasirinktose žiniasklaidos priemonėse tiriamuoju laikotarpiu. Nagrinėjama, kaip buvo pristatomadidėjanti įtampą Šiaurės Kaukazo regione. Gvildenama, kokią poziciją kariaujančių šalių atžvilgiuužėmė Lietuvos ir Italijos tyrimui pasirinktos žiniasklaidos priemonės. Nagrinėjama informaciniamekare pasireiškianti tendencija, kai žiniasklaida ima palaikyti savo valdžios oficialiąją pozicijąkariaujančių šalių atžvilgiu.Presenting the 2008 Russia–Georgia warin Lithuanian and Italian press in information warfare aspectMantas Martišius, Vilija Navickaitė SummaryThe five-day war between Russia and Georgia in thesummer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijingimmediately concentrated the world's mass mediaattention and raised public discussions on the reasonsand consequences of this confrontation.The paper claims to verify the hypothesis thatthe Italian mass media were favourable to Russia'sposition considering the official Italian–Russianclose relationships and the personal friendship ofrecent Italian prime minister and media magnateSilvio Berlusconi with Russia's expresident andrecent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the otherhand, Lithuanian mass media should have been afavourable to Georgia's position considering thecommon historical experience and the officialLithuania's governmental support of this countryadvocated in the European Union and NATO membershipprocedure.By holding the empirical analysis of the massmedia publications, the objectives of the research werethe following: 1) to explore the concept of informationwarfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the mediato the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italianand Lithuanian mass media publications by selectedcriteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanianmass media by quantitative and qualitative methods;b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass mediaby quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyzethe reasons for such attitude.According to the empirical research, the evidenceof information warfare is clear.Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare.It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war tosupport the government. This shows that Lithuanianmass media deviated from the truth and objectivity.During the war, Lithuanian society received biasedpartial information. News from the five-day warbetween Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete.Ther were no neutral and balanced answersto the questions why the war broke out, who started thefire, how it developed. This happened not just becauseRussia and Georgia waged the information war, butalso as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media tofollow the politics of support to Georgia.The Italian mass media took a neutral position, thetype of analyzed mass media which belongs to centralleft political parties recently placing in opposition andcriticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourableto Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict betweenRussia and Georgia was "their" and the Italian massmedia just informed society about the events. Thus,the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.
Why Black Lives Matter matters -- The Black carnage of the coronavirus -- Dealing with policing in America -- Church in the age of the BLM movement -- Black politics -- The rise of Georgia Black voters -- The matter of the wealth gap -- Moving on -- Hope for the future.
