Search results

Since the Great Recession, many Eurozone nations have seen their public debt levels increase greatly. By 2010, a member of the monetary union found itself unable to continue servicing its debt and made investors fear for the euro currency. The crisis was resolved thanks to a bailout of supranational organizations. Regardless, government debt from European nations is perceived as risk-free. The European Central Bank, through unconventional monetary policy and the mass purchase of government bonds, has managed to bring nominal interest rates to historical lows and governments have been able to continue borrowing without causing inflation on goods and services. Stock and commodity prices have, since 2010, increased more than the Eurozone's aggregate output. Similarly, home prices have increased more than aggregate GDP since the implementation of the euro. Given the historical precedents of currency and debt crises, it is necessary to question if investors should rationally expect the repayment of the real value lent to the various Eurozone governments.

Though the German Democratic Republic (GDR) collapsed in 1990, after 41 years of existence, the socialist state lives on – in schoolbooks, museums, novels, films and in the memories of those who witnessed the "workers' and peasants' state." With GDR memory being a highly embattled discourse in Germany more generally, we ask how the GDR is constructed in German film. This means more specifically, what stories are being told and what interpretations suggested within the broader GDR memory discourse? To answer these questions, we offer a comparative three-level-analysis of the feature films Balloon (2018) and Sealed Lips (2019). Looking at the film-immanent, the structural and the actor-centered level, we find that East German directors, producers or actors can bring different albeit divergent perspectives on the GDR in film whose construction is currently dominated by West German elites.

This paper analyses the connections between Bagehot's Conservative liberalism and his evolutionary conception of the English Constitution. According to Bagehot, the solidity of the British constitutional system rests on the coexistence of two factors, the «government by discussion» (for the few) and the «deference» (by the people for the elite) in the social and political life of the Country. In his essay Physics and Politics, Bagehot asserts that the poise between the principle of political freedom and that of «legality» is the result of a lucky and rare evolutionary itinerary, which has enabled England to be a solid and dominant nation. The advance of democracy in the mid Victorian period threatens to blow up the balance achieved between change and continuity. For Bagehot, the danger is that democracy risks killing a «legality» based on «deference», and that death of deference risks killing a freedom based on «government by discussion».

The essay discusses theoretical and practical aspects of politics, war and diplomacy in late fifteenth-century Italy, using Machiavelli's works as an example of theory, Venetian foreign policy as an example of practice. The attempt to present Machiavelli as a founding father of the Realist school of International Relations is considered and dismissed. Major features of Machiavelli's thought are treated: his vision of the intimate connections between foreign affairs, war and political life; his distinguishing power from force; and his grasp of the importance of reputation. The value of these as a guide to the politics of Italy between 1454 and 1494 is assessed, with particular reference to Venice, and to the merits and defects of Machiavelli's famous comparison between ancient Rome and Venice. The career of Roberto di Sanseverino is examined to show that one premise upon which that comparison was based, that condottieri were unreliable, was sometimes well founded.