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Lo scopo del manuale curato da Robert J. Jackson e Doreen Jackson, entrambi professori di Relazioni internazionali all'Università Carleton di Ottawa, consiste nel condurre un'analisi sistematica tanto delle istituzioni statali canadesi, identificative del potere esecutivo-burocratico, legislativo e giudiziario, quanto delle istituzioni politiche (partiti, gruppi di interesse e media), mettendo in luce anche i temi di maggiore attualità che interessano la democrazia canadese

- ; Electoral turnout figures reveal that in recent years young voters have shown a strong disaffection with politics, which could be explained by the increasing lack of communication between them and the political class. By examining some strate­gies adopted by German politicians to approach young people and by addressing the characteristics of young people's language, the paper will first focus on an interview with Angela Merkel by woman YouTuber Ischtar Isik. To ascertain whether the language used in the interview by this young influencer truly represents her usual way of speaking, a second document will be analysed, in which Ischtar, this time as interviewee, deals with general topics. Conclusions will be drawn based on the data resulting from the comparison between the two interviews. ; -

Sintomatologia e politica razziale in AustraliaRiassunto: Jindabyne (una pellicola girata da Ray Lawrence nel 2006) si apre con l'uccisione di una giovane donna aborigena; tuttavia il punto su cui questa pellicola effettivamente si concentra è il modo in cui la gente reagisce a questo delitto. Per questo motivo, questo film ci dice molte interessanti verità sui rapporti interrazziali nell'Australia di oggi. La mia proposta è quella di leggere Jindabyne come un'utile allegoria nazionale (nel senso dato a questo lemma da Jameson); il film è una mappa o una cartografia che ritrae i luoghi comuni politici e culturali nella fase storica attuale. Al fondo della mia ipotesi sta il fatto che non possa essere solo una coincidenza il fatto che Jindabyne dia un tale spazio al problema dell'apologia culturale in questa particolare congiuntura della storia australiana. Anche se questo aspetto del film ha avuto poco risalto in alcune delle recensioni che ne hanno accompagnato l'uscita, mi colpisce il carattere sintomatico della tempistica: si tratta di un tema che, come una volta Deleuze ebbe a dire a proposito della differenza, era già nell'aria. Prodotto solo due anni prima dell'apologia nazionale ufficiale del primo ministro australiano Kevin Rudd agli indigeni d'Australia il 13 febbraio 2008, Jindabyne risponde a un complesso insieme di problemi culturali che erano all'ordine del giorno della politica nazionale dal 1995, quando fu reso noto Bringing Them Home, il rapporto della Commissione sulle Pari Opportunità e sui Diritti Umani relativo all'inchiesta di carattere nazionale vertente sulla cosiddetta "Generazione Rubata".Parole chiave: Razza; Politica australiana; Diritti degli indigeni; Allegoria nazionale; Gilles Deleuze e Felix Guattari. Abstract: Jindabyne (a movie directed by Ray Lawrence, 2006) begins with the murder of a young aboriginal woman, but its real focus is the way people respond to this murder. In doing so, it tells several interesting truths about race relations in Australia today. I want to suggest that Jindabyne can usefully be read as a national allegory (in Jameson's sense of the word). It maps or diagrams the cultural and political tropes of the present moment in history. My basic hypothesis is that it cannot be a coincidence that Jindabyne should give such prominence to the cultural problematic of the apology at this particular juncture in Australia's history. Although this aspect of the film is scarcely mentioned in any of the reviews that accompanied the film's premier, it strikes me that the timing is symptomatic: it is a topic that as Deleuze once said about difference was very much in the air. Produced only two years before the official national apology the Prime Minister of Australia Kevin Rudd made to the Indigenous peoples of Australia on February 13, 2008, Jindabyne responds to a complex assemblage of cultural problematics that have been on the national political agenda ever since the release in 1995 of Bringing Them Home, the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission's report on its national inquiry into the so-called "Stolen Generation".Keywords: Race; Australian Politics; Indigenous Rights; National Allegory; Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari.

This is a multiauthorial review essay of Daniel Ziblatt's Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (Princeton: Princeton U Press, 2006) that includes a rebuttal by Ziblatt. Maurizio Cotta notes the persuasiveness & convincibility of the factors singled out by Ziblatt in support of the book's central thesis that the unification of Italy & Prussian Germany in the second half of the 19th century, although begun in both countries with similar regional institutions, ended with a centrist government in the former & a federalist regime in the latter. He questions, however, his attempt to project these factors in developing a more comprehensive theory of the emergence of major nation states in Western Europe, pointing out that the generalization that gives a satisfactory account for Germany & Italy becomes a fallacy when extended to Belgium or the Netherlands. Alfio Mastropaolo objects Ziblatt's implicit premise that federalism is superior to a centrist-unitarian governance & the implied conclusion that Italy would have fared better with a federalist government after its unification. He observes that neither Germany was spared from Nazism by federalism & nor Italy from Fascism by centralism. Mastropaolo points out that Ziblatt overlooks the importance of ideological factors, in particular the strong sentiments favoring a unitarian state in pre-1861 Italy. Gianfranco Poggi notes that the book fails to consider some important cultural & ideological theories of federalism that suggest an alternative explanation of the preference for federalism in Germany but not Italy. In his rebuttal, Ziblatt replies to the objections raised by each interviewer, defending the descriptive-explanatory efficacy of the historical-comparative approach adopted in the book & Charles Ragin's (1987) qualitative-comparative analysis applied in the extension of the generalization to other European states. He flatly rejects Mastropaolo's imputation that the book favors federalism as a superior form of government. Ziblatt also provides a rationale to justify the relevance of comparing the unification experience of Italy & Prussian Germany for contemporary political science. Z. Dubiel

Il tema dell'influenza della fratture religiosa nella determinazione delle preferenze politico-elettorali e del confronto interpartitico è stato considerato in misura marginale in molteplici studi sul sistema partitico canadese. Nell'ambito del dibattito dottrinario e politico, la tendenza generale che è prevalsa sinora è stata quella di mettere in risalto, più che altro, le intersecazioni esistenti tra le diversità linguistiche ed etno-culturali con un ordine politico oramai profondamente secolarizzato, in cui la religione riveste un ruolo superficiale e secondario per influenzare le scelte degli elettori.

For this paper I shall look at ways of coordinating politics and entertainment, or in slightly other terms aesthetics and politics, as they have been used to construct ancient tragedy as a means to the good society. In my title this aspect of tragedy is identified as "home", to indicate tragedy's preoccupation with community. This is a note repeatedly struck in discourse about tragedy, both by the earliest commentators and by those negotiating the development of the nation-state, and of political reform, in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This essay thus first considers some of the different ways in which tragedy has been associated with the goal of the good community, by the theoretical works of Plato, Aristotle, Schlegel, Williams and Eagleton, as well as by harnessing productions and performances to the political effort of nation-building. The essay will then contrastingly explore tragedy's "homelessness", the ways in which it uproots its characters and sets them in restless motion. These latter reflections are prompted by recent receptions of tragedy that have responded to the global migrant crisis, and that are thus in dialogue with earlier critical understandings of tragedy which were more likely to foreground a sense of civic identity associated with the polis. I thus consider productions of Aeschylus' Suppliant Women in Syracuse and Edinburgh, and the new ancient trilogy, acted by Syrian women refugees, which has unfolded since 2013, in the Middle East and Europe, under the creative guidance of Omar Abu Saada and Mohammad Al Attar. The new focus is born of and gives voice to new global realities. Barbara Goff is Professor of Classics at the University of Reading, UK. She has published extensively on Greek tragedy and its reception, especially in postcolonial contexts. Her most important books include Your Secret Language: classics in the British colonies of West Africa (London: Bloomsbury, 2013), Crossroads in the Black Aegean: Oedipus, Antigone, and dramas of the African diaspora (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), and The Noose of Words: Readings of Desire, Violence and Language in Euripides' Hippolytos (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). Her most recent publication is a collection, co-edited with Introduction, titled Classicising Crisis: the modern age of revolutions and the Greco-Roman repertoire (London: Routledge, 2020). Keywords: tragedy, exile, home, refugee, Syria

Preliminary Material -- Introduction /Filippo Del Lucchese , Fabio Frosini and Vittorio Morfino -- 1 Il genere e il tempo delle parole: dire la guerra nei testi machiavelliani /Jean-Louis Fournel -- 2 'Uno piccolo dono': A Software Tool for Comparing the First Edition of Machiavelli's The Prince to Its Sixteenth Century French Translations /Jean-Claude Zancarini -- 3 Of 'Extravagant' Writing: The Prince, Chapter IX /Romain Descendre -- 4 'Italia' come spazio politico in Machiavelli /Giorgio Inglese -- 5 Machiavelli the Tactician: Math, Graphs, and Knots in The Art of War  /Gabriele Pedullà -- 6 Lucretian Naturalism and the Evolution of Machiavelli's Ethic /Alison Brown -- 7 Corpora Caeca: Discontinuous Sovereignty in The Prince  /Jacques Lezra -- 8 The Five Theses of Machiavelli's 'Philosophy' /Vittorio Morfino -- 9 Tempo e politica: Una lettura materialista di Machiavelli /Sebastián Torres -- 10 Imitation and Animality: On the Relationship between Nature and History in Chapter XVIII of The Prince  /Tania Rispoli -- 11 Prophetic Efficacy: The Relationship between Force and Belief /Thomas Berns -- 12 Prophecy, Education, and Necessity: Girolamo Savonarola between Politics and Religion /Fabio Frosini -- 13 'Uno Mero Esecutore': Moses, Fortuna, and Occasione in The Prince  /Warren Montag -- 14 Machiavelli and the Republican Conception of Providence /Miguel Vatter -- 15 Machiavelli, Public Debt, and the Origin of Political Economy: An Introduction /Jérémie Barthas -- 16 Plebeian Politics: Machiavelli and the Ciompi Uprising /Yves Winter -- 17 Machiavelli's Greek Tyrant as Republican Reformer /John P. McCormick -- 18 Essere Principe, Essere Populare: The Principle of Antagonism in Machiavelli's Epistemology /Etienne Balibar -- 19 The Different Faces of the People: On Machiavelli's Political Topography /Stefano Visentin -- 20 Machiavelli Was Not a Republicanist – Or Monarchist: On Louis Althusser's 'Aleatory' Interpretation of The Prince  /Mikko Lahtinen -- 21 Lectures machiavéliennes d'Althusser /Mohamed Moulfi -- 22 Machiavelli after Althusser /Banu Bargu -- 23 Gramsci's Machiavellian Metaphor: Restaging The Prince  /Peter D. Thomas -- Index /Filippo Del Lucchese , Fabio Frosini and Vittorio Morfino.

Since the Great Recession, many Eurozone nations have seen their public debt levels increase greatly. By 2010, a member of the monetary union found itself unable to continue servicing its debt and made investors fear for the euro currency. The crisis was resolved thanks to a bailout of supranational organizations. Regardless, government debt from European nations is perceived as risk-free. The European Central Bank, through unconventional monetary policy and the mass purchase of government bonds, has managed to bring nominal interest rates to historical lows and governments have been able to continue borrowing without causing inflation on goods and services. Stock and commodity prices have, since 2010, increased more than the Eurozone's aggregate output. Similarly, home prices have increased more than aggregate GDP since the implementation of the euro. Given the historical precedents of currency and debt crises, it is necessary to question if investors should rationally expect the repayment of the real value lent to the various Eurozone governments.