Search results

The last elections in Brazil have shown a growing participation of evangelicals in the political scenario and a majority identification with right-wing governments. A representative mark of this behavior occurred in the expressive support given to the presidential election of Bolsonaro and in the occupation of several positions in the exercise of his government. The article presents the historical trajectory of evangelical behavior in the political sphere and also the factors that historically configure theimagery of this religious segment, guiding its approaches to the right. Priority is given to the conceptual notion of "imaginary", as used by the so-called new political history. As sources of analysis, in addition to bibliographic texts, audiovisual resources, social media and lyrics from the Brazilian evangelical universe are used.

First of all, the article analyzes, in panorama, Spinoza's ontology. Secondly, it shows how, from the concepts present in the ontology, the author derives others, as man, desire, joy and sorrow, hope and fear, security and despair, action and passion. From the relationship between ontology, men and desire - as well as from the other affects -, are extracted, in brief considerations, some Spinoza ́s political thesis. In this argumentative movement, the hypothesis is that many Spinoza's political thesis a rise from its ontology and its conception of man as desire and potency variation. The concept of desire is analyzed in the light of the variation of potency and the theme of natural right, which in Spinoza is identical to potency. When the subject is the brief derivations to politics, some hobbesian thesis - related to the following subjects, namely, the multitude, the people, the representation, the natural right, the civil state, etc. - are brought to show, by contrast, the importance of Spinoza's innovations.

Using the Foucaultian framework, we examine here the basic assumption of the modern and contemporary political order, namely the decisive conception that men are governable. In the genealogical path opened by Michel Foucault we examined the political reworking of what was originally the Judeo-Christian spiritual power of governing souls. For Foucault, the modern political government of men is situated at the intersection of two sets of powers foreshadowed in early Christianity: a) the pastoral art of conducting conduct displaced from the eschatological destination of souls to the calculated management of (biopolitical) biological life and b) the dual production of the knowledge necessary for good governance; the utilitarian production of the truth that serves the pastoral art of government itself and the pure or aleturgical manifestation of the truth with regard to the governable.

The relations between Germany and Qatar look so good in various fields in spite of the non-existence of the deep historical roots between the two parties. Today these relations are characterized by many basics and motivations that pave the way to the recent positive format, as well as the underlying important driver of these diverse interests, which provides real opportunities to convergence of visions and goals in more than one direction. As Qatar is considered as a vital strategic partner to Germany in the region due to its economic assets and geopolitical status, Germany at the same time has a further importance to Qatar. The study is based on the basics of the diverse interests owned by the both sides. These diverse interests could be starting point for forward looking that is reliable to the continued presence of Germany, which could be positively reflected on the present and future relationship.

The general objective of this article is to investigate, in Foucault's perspective, the relations between government and subjectivity, through the arts of government and the constitution of the modern state. In this task, we consider the courses given by Foucault, Security, Territory, Population and The birth of biopolitics, to deal with the presence of pastoral power in the constitution of governmentality. The specific objective is to research other possibilities of social organization, associated with democratic principles, such as solidarity and self-management in opposition to the effects generated by neoliberalism, with a generalization of market values ​​in individual and collective practices. In our hypothesis, we consider an anarchist perspective as the vital counterpoint in the production of other forms of social and political life, beyond exclusively economic principles. At this point, we present the basic concepts of anarchist values, such as an idea of ​​self-management, mutual support, an idea of ​​freedom, found in Bakunin, Kropotkin and Goldman, and a possibility of thinking about resistances and practices in the present, as reflected by Rago. We also went through a critique of the model of social organization and the very idea of ​​democracy, based on Graeber's indicators in A project of democracy. Finally, our effort aim to reflect on the possibilities of another world, from a perspective that is radically opposed to the political and social practices that are found nowadays. We intend, therefore, to think about the present time and the possibility of new forms of existence.

This article discusses artistic work, based on the concepts of self-invention and governmentality analyzed by Foucault, Veyne and Bennett. Life, in liberal rationalities, is understood as a field of government and as a capital. Artists invest their lives, perceptions and feelings in their artworks. Such interest, however, may conduct to identity politics. To avoid the fragmentation of the cultural field, the arts must be considered in their power relations and historical contingencies; understood as public and common goods that manifest more than mere capital but human power of invention. However, the transformation of cultural habits is a long-term task that involves the State, the private initiative and civil society. ; O artigo discorre sobre o trabalho artístico a partir dos conceitos de invenção de si e governamentalidade, analisados por Foucault, Veyne e Bennett. Nas racionalidades liberais, a vida é tomada como campo de governo e como capital. O artista investe sua vida, suas percepções e afetos na criação das obras. Mas esse interesse também pode conduzir a políticas identitárias. Para evitar que o campo se fragmente, as artes devem ser compreendidas, em suas relações de força e contingências históricas, como bens públicos e comuns, que manifestam, mais do que um capital, a potência humana de invenção. Contudo, transformar hábitos culturais é tarefa de longo prazo, que envolve o Estado, a iniciativa privada e a sociedade civil.