Search results

The paper analyses the problems that have been undermining the US recruitment policy for the last two decades - which is aimed at providing soldiers for imperial disciplining wars waged on the planetary periphery - as a case study to test the validity of theoretical assumptions about the transition to the age of post-heroic warfare. The departing hypothesis is based on stance that the United States, being the only remained superpower, experience a gradual and less visible process of losing popular support for military conscription, which the author employs here as an ideal of national vitality and a pillar of modern citizenship, as well as a feature of masculinity and the realm for self-realisation. The analysis takes place primarily in the field of anthropology and sociology and employs theoretical positions of social constructivism to complement narrow theoretical and methodological approaches of political science which are typically applied in the study of international relations. The analysis focuses on the "cracks" and deformations in the construction of ideals of warfare and heroism, which emerge as a result of the interaction of man - both as an individual and a member of the political community - the public, and the US foreign policy decisions designed to meet the needs and requirements of successful disciplinary imperial warfare. The author concludes that theoretical assumptions about entering the age of post-heroic warfare are valid due to the recruitment crisis in the US military, the unpopularity of the military profession, the commodification of warfare and death, the transformation of war into an industrial process, and misleading media portrayals of dead and wounded soldiers.

학위논문 (박사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 사범대학 사회교육과(역사전공), 2020. 8. 유용태. ; 본 연구는 청이 불평등조약과 서양 국제법 서적을 통해 주외공관 제도를 수용하는 과정을 분석한 다음, 이것이 주한공관 설립과 한청 근대외교로 이어지는 모습을 고찰하였다. 이 과정에서 전통외교와 근대외교 각각에서 유래한 합리성과 제국성이 작용하는 양상에 유의하였다. 요컨대, 외교학의 용어와 개념은 물론 주외공관의 운영 원리에 착목하여 청의 주한공관을 체계적으로 밝힌 개척적인 연구라 할 수 있다. 청은 아편전쟁으로 체결한 불평등조약에 따라 주외공관 제도를 수용하였다. 이후 열강이 속속 설립한 주청공관은 자국인을 보호하고 외교 협상을 효과적으로 전개하는 한편, 영사재판권·포함외교 등을 통해 자국의 이익을 확보하였다. 한편 이 시기 청에 번역 소개된 󰡔만국공법󰡕 등의 서양 국제법 서적 또한 주외공관의 역할, 권리, 의무 등을 총체적으로 설명하는 한편, 非서구에 대한 영사재판권과 포함외교를 정당화하였다. 이를 통해 청에서는 합리성과 제국성으로 대표되는 주외공관 인식이 형성되었다. 본고가 불평등조약과 서양 국제법 서적에서 公使·領事 등의 번역어가 정착되는 과정을 분석한 결과는 청의 주외공관 인식이 심화되는 과정을 잘 보여준다. 이러한 상황에서 대외 위기가 고조되자, 청 정부 내에서는 상주사절 파견론이 대두하였다. 그 결과, 청은 영국을 시작으로 해외 각국에 공사관을 개설하고, 싱가포르 등 청국인이 많이 거주하는 지역에는 영사관을 설립하기 시작하였다. 청의 주외공관은 현지에서 교섭 사무, 자국민 보호, 정보 수집 등 다양한 업무를 수행하였다. 이는 청이 불평등조약에 따라 설립된 열강의 주청공관을 관찰하고, 서양 국제법 서적을 번역 이해한 결과였다. 이러한 흐름 속에서 1883년 청은 첫 번째 주한공관으로서 주조선상무서를 설립하였다. 그런데 주조선상무서는 분명 근대외교의 산물이었으나 청과 조선은 아직 전통외교를 적용하고 있었다. 따라서 주조선상무서는 전통외교와 근대외교가 착종된 과도적 형태의 주한공관이라 할 수 있다. 이것은 청이 진수당의 직함을 총판상무위원이라 하면서도 사실상 총영사의 지위를 부여한 데서도 잘 나타난다. 진수당은 주로 청 상인의 경제적 이익을 확보하는 방향으로 제국성을 표출하였고, 이를 합리성으로 분식하기 위해 전통외교와 근대외교를 선택적으로 활용하였다. 이 시기 한성·인천·부산·원산에 설립된 주조선상무서는 판리조선상무장정을 토대로 운영되면서 진수당의 활동을 뒷받침하였다. 1885년 청은 진수당을 경질하고 그 후임으로 원세개를 임명하였다. 이때 원세개에게는 총리교섭통상사의라는 직함과 총영사 겸 4등공사라는 지위가 부여되었다. 본고는 원세개가 지닌 4등공사의 지위에 주목하여, 이것을 원세개가 상국의 대표로서 조선의 외교를 주지한 법적 근거였음을 밝혔다. 그러나 원세개는 외교뿐 아니라 내정에까지 개입하였고, 이 과정에서 전통외교와 근대외교를 선택적으로 구사하여 제국성을 더욱 강렬히 표출하였는데, 이는 원세개의 독단적인 판단이 아니라 어디까지나 청 정부의 암묵적 동의에 따른 것이었다. 이 시기 원세개가 임기를 마친 후에도 두 차례나 더 유임되었고, 주조선상무서의 규모가 대폭 확장되고 용산상무서가 신설된 것은 원세개의 활동을 뒷받침하는 토대로 작용하였다. 그러던 중 청일전쟁이 일어나며 주조선상무서는 폐쇄되었다. 그러나 청은 1896년 총상동·총영사 당소의를 파견하여 주조선영사서를 개설하였다. 이때 당소의가 비공식 사절을 자처하였던 만큼, 주조선영사서 또한 비공식 기구에 머물렀다. 청이 자국민을 보호하면서도 조선의 수교 요구는 거부하기 위해 일종의 편법을 사용했던 것이다. 청은 마지못해 수교를 결정한 다음에도 4등공사 또는 흠차대신을 파견하려고 하는 등, 여전히 대한제국에 전통외교를 적용하려는 태도를 보였다. 1899년 한청수교가 이루어진 후, 청은 두 번째 주한공관인 주한공사관·영사관을 개설하였다. 이는 결국 청이 대한제국에 근대외교를 전면 적용하게 되었음을 의미하는 것이다. 주한공사 서수붕, 허태신, 증광전은 서양 국제법과 한청통상조약에 근거하여 교섭 사무를 처리해 나갔고, 이 무렵 신설된 外務部가 주외공관 제도의 개편에 나서면서 주한공사관·영사관의 합리성은 한층 보강되었다. 이 시기 청이 제국성을 표출하기 어려워진 상황과 달리 대한제국에서는 열강을 모방한 제국성이 생겨나기 시작하였다. 제1·2차 한일협약 이후에는 청의 주한공사관이 철수하고 주한영사관이 그 공백을 채웠다. 이 시기 한국총영사 마정량은 주한공사에 버금가는 권한을 지녔고, 주한영사관의 규모는 더욱 확장되었다. 본고는 이 시기 청 정부가 주외공관 제도를 개편하면서, 주한영사관의 관제가 개편되고 관원에 대한 대우가 개선된 것에 주목하였다. 이는 대한제국이 국권을 상실해 가는 상황에서도 청의 주한공관이 지닌 합리성이 증진되었음을 의미한다. 그러나 한국총영사 마정량은 각종 현안을 교섭하는 과정에서 합리성을 내세웠지만, 대한제국을 매개로 일본이 표출하는 제국성에 대응하는 과제를 안게 되었다. 그리고 한일병합으로 대한제국이 주권을 상실한 후에도 주한영사관은 주조선영사관으로 명칭을 바꾸어 존속하였으나, 한청관계가 일청관계로 대체되었기에 그 위상은 점차 낮아졌다. 본 연구에서 청말 주한공관을 한청관계의 맥락 위에 놓고 전통외교와 근대외교의 착종 과정에 주목한 것은 선행 연구의 보완과 연구 지평의 확대라는 측면에서 다음과 같은 의미를 지니고 있다. 첫째, 중국외교사의 측면에서, 청의 주한공관은 중앙 정부와 개인 차원의 외교 행위를 상호 관련성 속에서 이해할 수 있도록 하는 발판이 된다. 특히 청의 근대외교는 합리성을 갖추고 있었던 것은 물론 속국에 대해서는 명백히 제국성을 띠었던 만큼, 청의 근대외교가 지닌 후진성이나 反침략성을 강조해 온 선행 연구의 관점은 재고될 필요가 있다. 둘째, 한중관계사의 측면에서, 청의 조선 정책은 전통외교와 근대외교 양쪽 모두에서 유래한 합리성과 제국성이 길항하는 과정에서 그 양상을 달리하였음을 규명하였다. 따라서 청의 조선 정책을 전통적인 속방 체제의 강화 또는 근대적 제국주의 어느 한쪽으로 이해하는 것보다는 양측 모두가 착종한 양상에 주목하는 것이 적절하다. ; This study examined the way in which Qing dynasty had introduced the diplomatic office system through unequal treaties and the Western international law books, and figured out relevance between Qing's diplomatic offices in Korea and Sino-Korean modern diplomacy. In particular, this article paid attention to the manifestation that rationality and empireness of the diplomatic offices appeared and the aspect that the traditional diplomacy and modern diplomacy competed. In premodern times, traditional diplomacy based on tributes and installation was widely practiced in East Asia. But traditional diplomacy shook and modern diplomacy spread after the Opium War. In particular, the diplomatic offices of Western powers were symbol of modern diplomacy. Qing's understanding of the diplomatic office deepened through unequal treaties and Western international law books. The unequal treaty that Qing dynasty signed with the Western powers included clauses related to the diplomatic offices. The Western international law books introduced by Qing also included contents related to the diplomatic offices. In short course, the idea of dispatching resident envoys emerged in the Qing government. In this situation, Qing started to set up legations and consulates abroad. The diplomatic offices of Qing dynasty carried out various tasks, including negotiation affairs, protection of citizens, and gathering information. These diplomatic offices were based on the reference of the Western powers' diplomatic offices and Western international law books, therefore they contained both rationality and empireness of modern diplomacy. Paradoxically, rationality and empireness were fully expressed in the East Asian country. Qing's diplomatic offices in Korea can be explained in terms of rationality and empireness, and the change of Qing's diplomatic offices in Korea can be divided into the following two periods. The first phase is the founding period of the Qing's diplomatic offices in Korea. In this period, Qing aimed at making the Chosun her vassal state through the Commercial Affair Office. The General Commissioner of Trade Chen Shu-Tang established several Commercial Affair Office. In fact, the Commissioner of Trade was equal to the consul, and the Commercial Affair Office was equal to the consulate. But Qing avoid the term 'consul', 'consulate' to emphasize the vassal status of Chosun. Yuan Shi-Kai as a successor to Chen Shu-Tang corresponded to diplomatic minister. In this period, Qing and Chosun experimented the modern diplomacy through the diplomatic offices, but the traditional diplomacy was still valid. Qing made a use of modern diplomacy and traditional diplomacy arbitrarily. The second phase is the completing period of the Qing's diplomatic offices in Korea. In 1896, Qing established the consulate in Korea to protect the Chinese and avoid Chosun's call for diplomatic ties. After deciding to establish diplomatic ties, Qing planned to dispatch the fourth minister, and soon changed it to the minister plenipotentiary. This phenomenon symbolically shows the shift from traditional diplomacy to modern diplomacy. In 1899, Qing established a legation and consulates after concluding Sino-Korean treaty of commerce. The ministers of Korea treated the negotiation with Korea on the basis of the Western International law and Sino-Korean treaty of commerce. At that time, Qing established the Department of Foreign Affairs to reform diplomatic institutions. As a result the rationality of modern diplomacy increased, but the empireness of modern diplomacy was difficult to appear. In 1906, Qing decided to withdraw legation of Korea by request of Japan, and the consulate then dealt with task of the legation. Accordingly, consul general of Korea Ma Ting-Liang came close to minister of Korea, and the consulate grew in size. At that time, Qing government reformed the diplomatic office institutions, so consulates of Korea were reformed and diplomat treatment improved. After Japan-Korea Treaty of 1910, Sino-Korean relations ended, but the consulate of Korea still maintained changing its name to consulate of Chosun. In short, the consulate of Korea had developed in a way that enhances the rationality of modern diplomacy, but had to defend against Japanese empireness. This study has the following meanings in terms of supplementation of prior research and expansion of research horizon. First, this article revealed that Qing's empireness before Sino-Japanese War had come from both traditional diplomacy and modern diplomacy. Therefore preceding researches which have judged Qing's Chosun policy traditional or modern need to be reconsidered. Second, this article discovered the rationality from modern diplomacy in proceeding of Sino-Korean relations. Several preceding researches didn't stress on the development of Sino-Korean relations. It is clear that the rationality of modern diplomacy increased in this time. ; 제1부 淸末 駐外公館 制度의 도입 15 Ⅰ. 제1·2차 아편전쟁과 주외공관 제도의 유입 15 1. 해외 각국의 주청공관 설립 과정 15 2. 불평등조약의 領事·公使 번역 양상 26 Ⅱ. 서양 국제법 서적과 주외공관 제도의 이해 32 1. 윌리엄 마틴의 서양 국제법 서적 번역 32 2. 서양 국제법 서적의 주외공관 제도 서술 39 Ⅲ. 주외공관 제도의 구상과 실천 54 1. 상주사절 파견론의 전개 과정 54 2. 주외공관의 설립과 운영 64 小結 81 제2부 청의 駐朝鮮商務署와 近代外交의 胎動 82 Ⅰ. 청의 陳樹棠 파견과 주조선상무서의 설립 82 1. 주조선상무서의 설립 배경 82 2. 總辦商務委員 진수당의 위상과 활동 93 3. 진수당 재임 시기 주조선상무서의 운영 양상 106 Ⅱ. 청의 袁世凱 파견과 주조선상무서의 변화 114 1. 總理交涉通商事宜 원세개의 위상과 활동 114 2. 원세개 재임 시기 주조선상무서의 운영 양상 133 Ⅲ. 주조선상무서의 交涉 창구와 相應 기구 140 1. 주조선상무서와 統理交涉通商事務衙門의 교섭 관계 140 2. 주조선상무서와 駐津·駐滬使館의 상응 관계 145 小結 152 제3부 청의 駐韓公使館·領事館과 近代外交의 展開 153 Ⅰ. 청의 唐紹儀 파견과 駐朝鮮領事署의 설립 153 1. 總商董·總領事 당소의의 위상과 활동 153 2. 당소의 재임 시기 주조선영사서의 운영 양상 165 Ⅱ. 韓淸修交와 駐韓公使館·領事館의 설립 170 1. 韓淸通商條約의 체결과 근대외교의 개시 170 2. 駐韓公使의 위상과 활동 178 3. 주한공사 재임 시기 주한공사관·영사관의 운영 양상 188 Ⅲ. 乙巳條約과 駐韓·駐朝鮮領事館으로의 축소 196 1. 韓國總領事 마정량의 위상과 활동 196 2. 마정량 재임 시기 주한·주조선영사관의 운영 양상 207 Ⅳ. 주한공사관·영사관의 교섭 창구와 상응 기구 220 1. 주한공사관과 外部의 교섭 관계 220 2. 주한공사관·영사관과 주청공사관·영사관의 상응 관계 223 小結 228 結論 229 參考文獻 237 Abstract 257 ; Doctor

Antonio Gramši posvetio je znatnu pažnju razmatranju kulturnih praksi i njihove funkcije u društveno-istorijskim procesima u svojim teorijskim spisima. Važan segment njegovog istraživanja predstavljala je i analiza umetnosti i književnosti modernog doba koju je na posredan način uključio u širu raspravu o problemu podesnosti istorijskog marksizma kao filozofske i društvene prakse, društvene moći i njene kulturne i istorijske pojavnosti, kulturne i političke emancipacije podređenih slojeva itd. Fokusirajući se u najvećoj meri na eksplikaciju sociokulturnih, političkih i istorijskih dimenzija italijanske književnost od renesansnog do modernističkog perioda, Gramši je razvio nacrt sopstvene verzije marksističke estetike, ponudivši specifična tumačenja problema društvene funkcije umetničkih praksi, prirode umetničkog stvaranja i umetničkog dela, kao i potrošnje umetničkih produkata. U ovom tekstu ćemo razmotriti Gramšijeve uvide o umetnosti u kontekstu njegovih obuhvatnih teorijskih, filozofskih i istorijskih ispitivanja sa namerom da na njihovoj osnovi izvedemo model za analizu muzičkih praksi modernog i postmodernog doba. Cilj takvog poduhvata je ispitivanje dometa / ograničenja gramšijevske analize muzike iz koga bi proistekao kritički osvrt na način primene ključnih koncepata ovog teoretičara u postojećim istraživanjima muzičkih pojava. ; Antonio Gramsci dedicated a lot of his attention in his writings to the analysis of the cultural practices and their function in the socio-historical processes. An important segment of his work included the analysis of art and literature of modern times which was indirectly incorporated into the discussion of the problem of usefulness of historical materialism as a philosophical and social practice, social power and its cultural and historical appearances, cultural and political emancipation of subaltern classes etc. Mostly focusing on the explication of socio-cultural, political and historical dimensions of Italian literature of Renaissance and the modern period, Gramsci elaborated a sketch of his own version of Marxist aesthetic proposing specific interpretations of the problem of social function of artistic practices, the nature of artistic action and artwork and the consumption of artistic artifacts. In this paper we will discuss Gramsci's thought on art in the context of his comprehensive theoretical, philosophical and historical research aiming at elaborating a Gramscian model of analysis of music practices of modern and postmodern times. One of our results should be the examination of the possibilities of the analysis of music based on Gramsci's theory as well as the critical review of the application of its main concepts in the existing body of research on music.

This paper analyzes the demographic potential of the Nišava District at the administrative level of municipality. It is shown through the analysis of the selected indicators: numerical trends and age structure of the population. The main demographic processes that characterize the observed district are the overall depopulation (the decrease of the total population) and the aging of the population. Due to this, the change in the population numbers according to previous censuses has been investigated in order to determine its intensity in different periods. Some population characteristics such as the age of the population, the aging index, the age coefficient, the young population contingent (0-19) and the old population continent (60 and over) as well as the fertile and labor contingent have been used to represent the age structure. The changes in the educational structure are considered in interaction with the processes of depopulation and demographic aging. This has been an attempt to determine the degree of correlation between demographic processes and the education level of the population. The results of the analysis of the demographic potential point to spatial disparity of the Nišava District. Unfavorable demographic processes, extreme depopulation and aging of the population of this district have had a large influence on the weakening of the demographic basis and the decrease in the overall potential of the observed district. The mutual dependence of the process of depopulation and pronounced changes in the age structure towards ever increasing aging of the population has created a vicious cycle which leads to unfavorable and unstoppable demographic changes in this area.

Ovaj rad bavi se životom slikara Save Šumanovića koji je pre 80 godina, 30. avgusta 1942. streljan na pravoslavnom groblju u Sremskoj Mitrovici, zajedno sa 120 građana Šida, mesta u kojem je u roditeljskoj kući proveo najvažnije formativne, kao i poslednje godine svog života. Do danas mu se ne zna grob. Bio je jedna od najpoznatijih žrtava ustaškog režima u Drugom svetskom ratu u Jugoslaviji. Rad ne tumači slikarstvo Save Šumanovića, već nastoji da oslika milje u kojem je slikar živeo i radio te kroz njegovu biografiju i događaje pokušava da objasni istorijski kontekst koji je doveo do tragičnog kraja Šumanovića. Slike i skice Save Šumanovića danas se nalaze u Parizu, gradu u kojem je živeo u tri navrata, u Zagrebu, gde se školovao, u Beogradu, gde je priređena njegova poslednja samostalna izložba, pred sam početak Drugog svetskog rata, u Novom Sadu u Spomen-zbirci Pavla Beljanskog te u Šidu u kojem je nastao najveći deo njegovog opusa i u kojem je 1952. osnovana Galerija slika "Sava Šumanović", zahvaljujući daru Savine majke, Perside Šumanović. U radu su, osim biografskih knjiga i zapisa savremenika o Savi Šumanoviću, korišćena i ekskluzivna pisma Save Šumanovića, koja su ljubaznošću porodice kolekcionara Milana Vereša bila dostupna autoru. Autor je koristio i intervjue koje je radio sa poznavaocima života i dela Šumanovića, kao i arhivske novinske članke, arhivu Televizije Beograd, te knjigu služavke Marije Demšar koja je tokom Drugog svetskog rata radila u kući Šumanovića u Šidu. ; This article is about the life of painter Sava Šumanović, who was executed 80 years ago (on 30 August 1942) at the Orthodox cemetery in Sremska Mitrovica, together with 120 other citizens of Šid, the city in which he spent his most important formative years. His body was never found to be burried. Šumanović is one of the most publically known victims of the Ustashe regime of the WWII in Yugoslavia. This paper does not discuss Šumanović's artistic contribution but rather the social and political context in which he worked and ...

The concept of sustainable development is faced with great interest both in theory, by scientific researchers, and in practice, by managers and policy makers in many countries. Given the fact that humanity has no 'spare planet' to live on and that the deterioration of the climatic conditions is a global issue, promoting sustainable production and consumption becomes the activity that is in focus of many actors. The paper analyzes the activities - of consumers, companies and government, as three key actors. Each of them is important in promoting the idea of sustainability, with the ability for substantiation of synergetic effect. Concrete examples advocate that thesis, while having the concept of consumer society not opposed to the aim of preserving the planet. Consumption is the driver of production and without open spiral of these two processes there is no development of society at all. The point is in a qualitative step from production and consumption of material goods that have a negative impact on the limited resources of the planet, towards those that have a positive one.

Post-cold war concept of security is based on realistic postulates and emphasises a concept of state, forces,power and national interests. Military and political concept of security was dominant while the relations between the superpowers was based on the so called bipolar balance of power. Identity of states was realised by membership in military, political and economic organisations. The strategy of returning to the era of nuclear weapons reaches its full flowering. The crucial point of security after the end of Cold war consists of searching for giving answers to the threats coming from the outside and abilities of states to maintain their independent integrity against changed relations among the powers, which potentially may become enemies. Under such circumstances powers should not be ignored in any interpretation of any aspect of security, for realistic theories of international relations are still of great influence in the field of security. They will be modified in different conditions and will act in the sense of enlarged concept of security - instead of dominant concepts of political and military security typical for the Cold War era, economic, social and environmental factors will appear. Basic weakness of the realistic theories of security is in the lack of recognising the importance of cooperation between main factors in international community. This failure will be replaced neo realistic and liberal and institutional theories of security which emphasises the concept of cooperation in the first place. Concepts of power, forces and integral processes will be observed within the context of changes in the international relations.

The phenomena of secret diplomacy and spheres of influence are closely related. History of international relations testify that the most common areas of interest are established through secret diplomacy. Nothing in this sense isn't changed even in the modern world. When you establish a balance of power between the great powers, then you must agree about access on the division of influence spheres. These arrangements are kept at a diplomatic level with the absence of the public. This agreements are secretly signed and its waiting for decades and centuries, and with many of that public will never be aware of. Spheres of influence (zone of interest) are usually created by a secret agreement between two or more major powers through secret diplomacy, and always at the expense of third countries (nation). It can be said that the struggle for spheres of influence was basically the cause of many, including world wars and after World War II continued the USA and the SSSR. History of the Balkan region and relations among people who inhabit it, clearly shows that he was for centuries the scene of clashes geopolitical interests of global power centers. At the present moment Balkan geopolitical scene is area for dominance of the great powers. At some point it will become the space establishment of interested spheres. That will happen through secret diplomacy.

radu se analiziraju vrednosne orijentacije studenata. U istraživanju u kome su učestvovali studenti (N=635) Univerziteta u Rijeci primenjena je anketa. Glavna teza teorije modernizacije jeste da se promene u socioekonomskoj sferi društva reflektiraju na njegov sistem vrednosti. Zato u savremenim društvima slabe tradicionalne a jačaju moderne i postmoderne vrednosti. Specifičnost bivših socijalističkih društava odnosi se na to da je u njima, nakon protivrečnog procesa polumodernizacije, došlo do intenzivnog procesa retradicionalizacije. Tranzicija mlade generacije u odraslo doba događa se u konkretnom društvenom kontekstu za koji je karakterističan "sukob" suprotstavljenih vrednosti. Stoga je važno ispitati koje društvene vrednosti mladi prihvataju. Najpre se to odnosi na studentsku populaciju, s obzirom na to da je to resurs iz kog će se u budućnosti regrutovati društvena elita. U radu se problematizuju sledeća pitanja: U kojoj meri suprotstavljeni procesi modernizacije i retradicionalizacije društva ostavljaju traga na vrednosne orijentacije studenata? U kojoj meri se stavovi studenata razlikuju s obzirom na socijalne karakteristike njihovih porodica? Statistička obrada je obuhvatila univarijatnu, bivarijatnu i multivarijatnu analizu. Rezultati pokazuju da većina studenata prihvata postmoderne vrednosti (multikulturnost), a vrlo malo njih prihvata tradicionalne vrednosti (klerikalizam i etnocentrizam). Utvrđena je veza između tradicionalnih vrednosnih orijentacija i konzervativnih porodičnih obrazaca. S tim u vezi je zaključak da su rezultati u saglasnosti sa hipotezom o liberalizujućem efektu obrazovanja. ; This paper analyses the students' value orientations based on the survey conducted at the University of Rijeka (N=635). The main thesis of the theory of modernization is that changes in the socioeconomic sphere of society generate changes in its predominant value system. Therefore, in the modern societies, the weakening of the traditional and the strengthening of modern and postmodern values can be observed. This was particularly noticeable in the ex-socialist societies whose social and political transitions were generally followed by the process of intensive retraditionalization. The transition of younger generation to adulthood is taking place in the specific context of the postsocialist and post-war transformation of a society, which is characterized by the "clash" of opposing social values. Therefore, it is important to explore which social values are embraced by the young people. This is particularly important in the context of student population, because many of them will become representatives of the future social elites. The paper seeks to address the following questions: To what extent the opposing processes of modernization and re-radicalization of post-socialist societies effects students' expectance of different value orientations? To what extent different family backgrounds effect students' adoption of traditional, modern or postmodern values? Data analysis was carried out through univariate, bivariate and multivariate statistical procedures. The results of our research show that students chiefly support the postmodern values (multiculturalism) and chiefly do not support the traditional values (clericalism and ethnocentrism). Furthermore, the analysis has established a link between students' orientation to traditional values and existence of conservative patterns in their family background. The findings of our research support the main hypothesis of the theory of liberalizing effect of education. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa

Background: Bankrupted households have recently been increased due to excessive medical expenditure in Korea. They have not been protected from economic risk when household's member has severe diseases that need a lot of money for treatment. Purpose of this study examines policy effect by comparing unmet needs' change of policy object households and non-object groups. Methods: We used Korea Health panel 2nd 4th data collected by Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs and National Health Insurance Service. Analysis subjects were 381 households (pre-policy) and 393 households (post-policy) that had cancer and cardiovascular and cerebrovascular diseases. Since it was major concern that estimates benefit strengthening policy started by certain time, we setup comparing households which had diabetes, hypertension disease. Comparison subjects were 393,247 households, respectively and we evaluated policy effect using difference in difference (DID) model. Results: Although unmet needs of policy object households were higher than non-object groups, policy execution variable affected negative direction. But interaction-term which shows pure effect of policy was not statistically significant. We utilized multi-DID model to examine factors affecting unmet needs causes. Copayment assistance policy did not significantly affect households that responded to 'economic reason,' and 'no have time to visit' for unmet needs causes. Conclusion: The second copayment assistance policy did not significantly give positive effect to beneficiary households than non-beneficiary groups. When we consider that primary purpose of public insurance guarantee high medical expenditure occurred by unexpected events, it needs to deliberate on switch of benefit strengthening policy that can assist vulnerable people. Also, we suggest that government forward a policy covering non-reimbursable medical expenses as well as switch of benefit strengthening direction because benefit policy do not affect non-covered medical cost which accounts for quarter of total health expenditure. ; open