Suchergebnisse

The ideology of gender is addressed in this paper by identifying its principal tenets and risks. Several laws and sentences that have attempted to legitimize this discourse are examined by way of example, and the political strategies used to introduce the ideology of gender into the Colombian legal system are described. ; Este artículo hace un acercamiento a la ideología de género al identificar sus principales postulados y peligros. Se analizan, a manera de ejemplo, algunas leyes y sentencias que han pretendido legitimar este discurso. Se ponen a disposición las estrategias políticas mediante las cuales ha entrado la ideología de género en el ordenamiento jurídico colombiano. ; Este artigo faz uma aproximação à ideologia de gênero ao identificar seus principais postulados e perigos. analisamse, como exemplo, algumas leis e sentenças que pretenderam legitimar esse discurso. Põemse à disposição as estratégias políticas mediante as quais a ideologia de gênero tem entrado no ordenamento jurídico colombiano.

NATO's political and - above all - military participation in secession-motivated conflicts in former Yugoslavia (1990-1995), will be remembered as a clear example of demonstration of power, intentions and (in)capability of the Victor in a decades-long global "cold war" between the "freedom-loving" West and "totalitarian East". Regardless of the expectations of liberal theoreticians and the majority of public opinion, it was soon revealed that the victory was no "triumph of freedom" and even less "the end of history". On the contrary, as historically typical, it was only an unstable resultant of relations between major actors in the modern global theater, who strive to legitimize their need for domination with varying success and vocabulary. Hence the lessons to be learned from the final act of destruction of Yugoslavia (several months of NATO bombing of Serbia in 1999) have the expected tone of banality: absolute might strives for absolute power (which remains unattainable in principle); "the mighty oppress" is true always and in any place (but with a time limit); and, finally, what everyone knows but does not (or is unable or refuses) to say aloud: the only true alternative to military threat and/or aggression of a single political actor is an equally valid (military) threat/aggression by another one. We are tempted to conclude that, despite the ideological ardor of NGO activists, the political correctness of theoreticians and the rhetorical figures of speech of politicians, the "banalities" remain valid as the only certainties, i.e., regularities in the unpredictable currents of relations between states.

Recent literature on the history of family in Japan reveals that what is commonly understood as the "traditional" Japanese family—called the ie family—is largely a political construct that was institutionalized in Japan's Meiji period (1868–1912). While the ie model was effectively removed from the US-imposed postwar constitution and replaced with the western nuclear family as the new ideal, this historical analysis reveals that the neo-Confucian principles and social structures of the ie model were reintegrated into Japan's company work culture, to the degree that the ie continued to shape Japan's collectivist social structures and identities well beyond the end of the war. This analysis highlights key ideologies employed by the ruling elite in modern Japan as a means of social control and nation building. It demonstrates a continuation of the historically close relationship between family and the state in postwar Japan that challenges deterministic notions of westernization applied to the Japanese context; it highlights articulations of family that complicate culturally bound conceptions that see it as inherently separate from the state, and clarifies the modern history of collectivist society in Japan.

During the civil unrest emphasizing the Black Lives Matter movement amid the COVID-19 pandemic, Instagram was widely adopted by activists, journalists, and the general audience to disseminate and gather information about critical social issues and protests. Through a survey sampling Black Instagram users ( N = 402), this study examined how Black people's use of Instagram and its specific features—Instagram Carousel, Instagram Live, Instagram Story, standard post, and comment section—influenced their Black activism orientation, in-app activism engagement, and Black racial identity ideology. The results indicated that, along with Instagram use, Instagram network politicalness, diversity, and authenticity are also important predictors.

This study joins a growing body of research that demonstrates the behavioral consequences of hostile media perceptions. Using survey data from a nationally representative U.S. sample, this study tests a moderated-mediation model examining the direct and indirect effects of hostile media perceptions on climate change activism. The model includes external political efficacy as a mediator and political ideology and internal political efficacy as moderators. The results show that hostile media perceptions have a direct association with climate activism that is conditioned by political ideology: Among liberals, hostile media perceptions promote activism, whereas among conservatives, they decrease activism. Hostile media perceptions also have a negative, indirect relationship with activism that is mediated through external political efficacy; however, this relationship is conditioned by both ideology and internal political efficacy. Specifically, the indirect effect manifests exclusively among conservatives and moderates who have low internal efficacy. Theoretical, normative, and practical implications are discussed.

Anhand von Befragungsdaten untersucht die vorliegende Studie, durch welche ideologischen Einstellungen und weltanschaulichen Haltungen die Studienanfänger der Wirtschaftswissenschaften charakterisiert sind. Generell wird von der These ausgegangen, daß die Wahl des Studienfachs durch "ideologische Bezüge" entscheidend beeinflußt wird. Die Fragen richten sich auf folgende Themen- und Problemkomplexe: Persönliche Mitverantwortung für wichtige gesellschaftliche Bereiche; Verbundenheit mit wichtigen politischen Makrogruppen; Bereitschaft zur Verteidigung der DDR; Einstellung zur Machtausübung in der DDR; Weltanschauliche Position und Mitgliedschaft in der SED. Bei Studenten mit "niedriger" weltanschaulicher Position wird die Frage gestellt, "ob die richtige Auswahl getroffen wurde bzw. nach objektiven Kriterien bei der Auswahl und Zulassung zum Studium". (pmb)

Der vorliegende Beitrag geht der Frage nach, inwieweit Unterschiede oder Ähnlichkeiten in den Einstellungen von Ost- und Westdeutschen situationsbedingt sind oder auf unterschiedliche Sozialisationsbedingungen zurückgeführt werden können. Anhand des ALLBUS-Datenreport werden die Einstellungen zu folgenden Themenkomplexen verglichen: Arbeit und Beruf; die Rolle der Frau zwischen Beruf und Erwerbstätigkeit; Ungleichheit sowie die Toleranz gegenüber der Zuwanderung von Ausländern; die Bewertung von Erziehungszielen. Die vorliegenden Daten legen den Schluß nahe, daß Einstellungsunterschiede zwischen Ost- und Westdeutschen nur in den Bereichen auftreten, die sich auch hinsichtlich der objektiven Lebensbedingungen unterscheiden. (pmb)

The New World Order Ideology expressed in the form of neoliberal globalization has been used by numerous politicians, scholars and media men through the ages. It refers to a worldwide conspiracy to effect complete and total control over the planet through money farming. This book examines the case of Africa put directly on the chopping board as client states by this ideology ñ when less hampered by idealistic slogans as human rights, raising living standards and democratization ñ to better the achievement of the agenda of the money farmers whose goal is to establish government by loan operations. The money farmersí strategy, as in credit card companies, is to lend as much as the subject target can borrow and still pay fees, charges and interest payments. This means to encourage them to borrow, loan after loan, consolidate all other loans and keep lending ñ up until the crop of foreign exchange seems in jeopardy. The ideal from the Lending Agency viewpoint is to get an African country maxed out on loans to the point that it actually operates all of its government and the nation on LOANS. Once that goal is achieved, you basically have a never ending crop of FOREIGN EXCHANGE from helpless and hopeless African governments and people. Here is Tatah Mentan at his trenchant best!

The author argues that any discourse analysis, as well as other approaches in social sciences and humanities, cannot ultimately avoid the truth and ideology distinction. The first part of the article provides several glimpses at the Western philosophical tradition that preserves the value of truth. In the second part, an idea for political science, grounded in such a history of ideas, is sketched. After a brief discussion of what is ideology as opposed to truth, the author proposes a thesis about ideology, identity and power, and several heuristic ideas how to develop it. In the third part, he briefly provides examples from political and policy analysis that correspond to such a project. In the final part, he explains the importance of preserving the distinction between ideology and truth in the discursively postulated "post-truth" era. This combination of epistemology, science, analysis and teleology is reflected together in one political area of utmost importance for political science operating in the public sphere: the politics of naming. ; Autor tvrdi da svaka analiza diskursa, kao i drugi pristupi u društvenim i humanističkim znanostima, ne mogu u konačnici izbjeći razlikovanje istine i ideologije. Prvi dio članka daje nekoliko pogleda na zapadnu filozofijsku tradiciju koja čuva vrijednost istine. U drugom dijelu, skicirana je ideja političke znanosti, utemeljena na takvoj povijesti ideja. Nakon kratke rasprave o tome što je ideologija nasuprot istini, autor predlaže tezu o ideologiji, identitetu i moći, te nekoliko heurističkih ideja kako je razviti. U trećem dijelu ukratko se navode primjeri iz političke analize i analize javnih politika koji odgovaraju takvom projektu. U posljednjem se dijelu objašnjava važnost očuvanja razlike između ideologije i istine u diskurzivno postavljenoj eri "post-istine". Ova kombinacija epistemologije, znanosti, analize i teleologije ogleda se zajedno u političkom području od najveće važnosti za političku znanost koja djeluje u javnoj sferi: politici imenovanja.

"Ideology", as an object of knowledge, is subject to very different approaches in different disciplines. The evaluative approach (negative or critical), which makes ideology a blemish of modern societies, dominates the social and political sciences, both of Marxist and anti-Marxist tendencies. A descriptive or "neutral" approach appeared only in the twentieth century, in anthropology and in the human sciences of structural inspiration. A comparison of these perspectives reveals the specificity of the semiotic approach of ideology and its contribution to the social sciences in general.

"Ideology", as an object of knowledge, is subject to very different approaches in different disciplines. The evaluative approach (negative or critical), which makes ideology a blemish of modern societies, dominates the social and political sciences, both of Marxist and anti-Marxist tendencies. A descriptive or "neutral" approach appeared only in the twentieth century, in anthropology and in the human sciences of structural inspiration. A comparison of these perspectives reveals the specificity of the semiotic approach of ideology and its contribution to the social sciences in general.

Previous research suggests that women's descriptive representation may have a role-model effect on young women, encouraging them to greater levels of political participation. Using data from the Monitoring the Future Survey and the National Survey of Political and Civic Engagement of Young People, we examine whether highly visible female role models like Hillary Clinton, Nancy Pelosi, and Sarah Palin, and viable female candidates for governor and senator had a role-model effect on young women. At the national level, we find some evidence of a role-model effect resulting from the election of Speaker Pelosi and the presidential candidacy of Hillary Clinton, but the effects are largely concentrated among young women who are Democratic and liberal. We find little evidence that Sarah Palin's vice-presidential run had a role-model effect on young women, regardless of party or ideology. Our state-level analysis of viable female gubernatorial and senatorial candidates finds that role-model effects on young women and men are mediated in different ways by ideology and, to a lesser extent, party.

Abstract
In this article, I look at linguistic studies of communist propaganda produced by oppositional scholars in the
last two decades of state socialism in Poland. I argue that Polish discourse of linguistics in 1970–1989 was a vehicle for the
promotion of liberalism in the People's Republic of Poland and an important area of political contestation. I demonstrate that
Polish linguistic studies of communist propaganda should not be assumed to be "objective" or politically disengaged. Ideas about
language detectable in these studies, especially "referentialism", promote liberal democracy by consistently implying values
characteristic of liberalism as a political ideology. In this way, Polish linguists engaged in a form of anti-communist resistance
and formulated language policy proposals for the language of liberal democracy. I argue that language ideologies are sometimes
systematically related to political ideologies by promoting specific political values or points of view.