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Since the 1990s, immigrant settlement has expanded beyond gateway cities and transformed the social fabric of a growing number of American cities. In the process, it has raised new questions for urban and migration scholars. This article argues that immigration to new destinations provides an opportunity to sharpen understandings of the relationship between immigration and the urban by exploring it under new conditions. Through a discussion of immigrant settlement in Nashville, Tennessee, it identifies an overlooked precursor to immigrant incorporation—how cities see, or do not see, immigrants within the structure of local government. If immigrants are not institutionally visible to government or nongovernmental organizations, immigrant abilities to make claims to or on the city as urban residents are diminished. Through the combination of trends toward neighborhood-based urban governance and neoliberal streamlining across American cities, immigrants can become institutionally hard to find and, thus, plan for in the city.

This paper is an analysis of the determinants of self‐reported health status of immigrants, with a particular focus on the type of visa used to gain admission. The empirical analysis uses the three waves of the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia (panel I). Immigrant health is greater for immigrants who are younger, more educated, male, more proficient in English, and living outside an immigrant ethnic enclave. Immigrant health is poorest for refugees and best for independent (economic) migrants, and declines with duration in the destination. Alternative hypotheses for the decline in immigrant health with duration are explored (JEL I12, J15, J61, F22).

This article explores the paradoxes of Toronto's experience of immigrant and minority political incorporation. The city once synonymous with ethnic homogeneity is now among the world's most multicultural urban centers. The city, which proclaims "Diversity Our Strength" as its official motto, has a poor record of electing immigrants and minorities to public office. And the city, whose municipal council is overwhelmingly composed of White, European-origin politicians, has an exemplary record of promoting inclusion, equity, antiracism, and human rights in its policies and programs. The article analyzes these ambiguities of governing immigrant city Toronto.

This paper discusses the history of immigration in Japan, the situation of immigrants, and the factors that shape immigrants' rights. The last issue is particularly relevant because of observable tendencies towards settlement and the formation of ethnic communities in some areas. It will take time before Japanese and immigrants can co-exist on equal terms, but there are some indications that the presence and settlement of newcomers in Japan could lead to changes in Japanese society. Immigrants, thus, are turning into more than just a source of labor for Japanese society.

Die Ukraine ist in zunehmendem Maße zum Ziel von Immigranten aus den ehemaligen Republiken der früheren UdSSR und zum Transitland von illegalen Immigranten aus der Dritten Welt geworden. In diesem Zusammenhang haben sich soziale Probleme wie Arbeitslosigkeit, Wohnungsmangel und Kriminalität verschärft. Die Ukraine ist darüber hinaus von einer starken internen Migrationsbewegung vom Land in die Stadt betroffen, die auf Dauer die ländlichen Gegenden des Landes zu entvölkern droht. (BIOst-Mrk)

Rumänien ist seit 1991 das Ziel vieler Immigranten aus der Dritten Welt geworden, die sich in drei Gruppen untergliedern lassen: (1) diejenigen, die um politisches Asyl bitten, (2) diejenigen, deren Visum bereits abgelaufen ist und (3) Transmigranten, die auf illegale Weise einen Weg über Rumänien nach Westeuropa suchen. Die Haltung der rumänischen Medien und der Bevölkerung ist durch starke Vorurteile gegenüber den Immigranten geprägt. (BIOst-Mrk)

Sociologist Smitha Radhakrishnan reviews the books The Managed Hand and The New Entrepreneurs. Each illustrates the opportunity and systematic discrimination faced by immigrant entrepreneurs in the United States. These works push us to reconsider the importance of minority business owners in continuing to make the American dream real for all of us.

We call for incorporating organizations into migration scholarship, and for considering immigrants in organizational research. By centering immigrant organizations (IOs) as a unit of analysis, migration scholars can reconsider whether and how IOs affect well-being, integration, political voice, identities, globalization, and development. Migration scholars must learn from scholars of organizations, but organization scholars must in turn question assumptions of nativity and citizenship in their research. Doing so illuminates the unique challenges—and, at times, opportunities—faced by IOs, especially regarding inequities tied to legal status and stigmatization. We further argue that cross-national and transnational analyses of IOs help unpack organizational embeddedness—that is, the ways in which contexts at the local, national, binational, and geopolitical levels generate opportunities and constraints. Studying IOs raises critical questions of civic inequality and organizational stigma but also highlights IOs' potential to give voice to and effect positive change for migrant communities.

"The ethnosizer, a new measure of the intensity of a person's ethnic identity, is proposed using
information on language, culture, societal interaction, history of migration, and ethnic selfidentification. A two-dimensional version classifies immigrants into four states: integration,
assimilation, separation and marginalization. Results based on the German Socio-economic
Panel for 2001 are as follows. Young migrants are assimilated or integrated the most. While
Muslims and Christians do not integrate, both assimilate the best. Immigrants with college in
the home country separate less. Having some schooling is worse than no schooling for
integration and assimilation. While ex-Yugoslavs assimilate more, Greeks, Italians and
Spaniards are no different than Turks." [author's abstract]

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the dynamics and persistence of interpersonal trust among immigrants in the USA. More specifically, the authors investigate the association between the levels of trust of US immigrants and the levels of trust in their home countries across different cohorts and generations of immigrants.Design/methodology/approachIn order to quantify the extent of this relationship, the authors use two large sets of survey data, the General Social Survey and the World Value Survey, to construct the trust of immigrants in the USA and their levels of trust in their country of origin. The final sample size for the immigrants' trust is 27,531 observations.FindingsThe examination of the two trust variables at different levels and for different cohorts show that there is an association between the levels of US immigrants' trust and the levels of trust in the country of origin, suggesting that immigrants bring their culture with them and transmit it to the next generation. However, this association differs across various cohorts and generations of immigrants. The transmission of trust is strong in the second generation but becomes weaker in the third generation and seems to disappear in the fourth generation.Social implicationsEmpirical estimates of how long the cultural traits embodied in a new immigrant are sustained in the newly adopted country are essential to the appraisal of the current apparent segregation of immigrants in the USA.Originality/valueThis paper focuses on the under-researched area of the dynamic properties of immigrants' trust by using large data sets from social surveys. The authors examine this cultural assimilation across different cohorts and generations.