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Problem setting.National identity is a multidimensional, complex phenomenon in which political and cultural (ethnic) factors combine and interact in some way.The question of their relationship, interaction and share in the formation of national communities has been the subject of long-standing debate.In Ukraine in a wide publicspacethe ethnic paradigm of the nation dominates, according to which the phenomenon of the nation is maximally identified with the ethnos politically organized in its state.In academic circles, there is a much more complex vision of the essence of the nation.However, in the context of the problem of further development of Ukrainian national identity and national consolidation of Ukrainians, many authors focus primarily on the importance of the cultural factor.But, the importance of political factors of national consolidation is markedly underestimated.In particular, the question of the role of institutions of representative democracy and democratic political culture in the process of strengthening the current Ukrainian national identity, the difficulties and opportunities associated with them, is on the margins.Recent research and publications analysis. In Ukraine, awide range of different aspects of the formation of modern Ukrainian national identity has been the subject of coverage in the monographs of M. Stepyko, M. Rozumny, articles by N. Pidberezhnyk, D. Kravchenko, O.Shaparenko, and other researchers.In the context of the analysis of the problem of national consolidation of Ukraine, A. Kolodiy presented her vision of the essence of the phenomenon of nation and national identity.In the collective monograph of scientists of the Institute of State and Law named afterV. Koretsky presents an analysis of the specifics of the identity of the population of certain regions of Ukraine, proposals for effective mechanisms for its integration into the Ukrainian common national identity.Distinctive narratives of national identity that exist in Ukraine have been the subject of research by American political scientist K. Korostelina.British / Ukrainian researcher T. Kuzio addressed the problem of the interaction of different identity options and democratization processes in Ukraine in the post-Soviet period.In their reflections, these authors offered, in particular, the different visions of the share of political, ethnic and cultural components of national identity, the dynamics of their interaction in the process of national formation of modern Ukraine.Ofparticular note are the publications of Yu. Ruban, who pointed out, also in the Ukrainian context, the close interdependence between democratic institutions and national identity.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The relationship between the processes of formation of modern Ukrainian national identity and democratic values as its important and necessary component, democratic institutions, in particular, electoral and potential ways of national consolidation of Ukrainian citizens, needs to be studied in more detail.Thepurpose of thearticle is to determine the place and role of institutions of representative democracy in the processes of formation of Ukrainian national identity, in particular, taking into account current political changes, identifying related challenges and opportunities.Paper main body. For almost three decades of Ukraine's independent state existence, its political development has taken place within the framework of democratic political institutions and has been carried out through the mechanisms of representative democracy.In the process of state/national development of Ukraine, the formation of its current national identity, the basic institutional components of democratic political procedures have proved to be a mandatory and permanent factor.In the process of interaction between the government and society, its starting point is the legitimation of power in the eyes of citizens.Citizens' perception of state power as legitimate appears to be in some way connected with the process of asserting national identity in its political dimension.It is democratic procedures in a pluralistic society that become the basis of the legitimacy of power.The central element of the democratic legitimization of power and one of the most important components of communication between government and society is elections, which in this aspect are essentially a factor in the formation of national identity.In the course of the electoral process, numerous group and individual identities that exist in society, in a certain way, manifest themselves in public space, in open and defined by certain rules rivalry with others.The common national idea / ideology and democratic principles of political coexistence are interrelated factors, because the formation of a common identity through dialogue, through the integration of human rights, political and civil liberties into the whole multidimensional construction of national identity can be a factor in consolidating society.Encouraging the integration of linguistic, ethnic and other minorities into the social and political space of a single state on the basis of interculturalism will thus contribute to the formation of a common civic identity in people with different (but at the same time in no way isolated from each other) cultural identities.Citizens' perceptions of the state as an institution that takes into account their interests and values, a greater level of civic participation in decision-making and implementation will ultimately mean greater efficiency of democratic governance, thus contributing to socio-economic progress and stability of the entire socio-political system.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The task of forming an image of national identity capable of integrating around itself, around the Ukrainian core, the achievements and values of various ethnic, linguistic and cultural minorities, politically united by the borders of the Ukrainian state, remains relevant.In this context, democratic institutionsand values,forming the basis for constructive public articulation of different points of view and interests, have the potential to promote more effective government and intergroup communication, reduce conflict in society, feelings of alienation between government and certain groups.Further prospects for research in this area are a more detailed analysis of the relationship between the democratic mechanisms of public communication and the peculiarities of the formation of the current Ukrainian national identity and national consolidation. In particular, in this context, the appropriate influence of the specifics of electoral procedures and processes, different forms of government needs to be considered separately. ; Показано, що у процесі взаємодії між владою та суспільством його вихідним моментом є легітимація влади в очах громадян. Зазначено, що демократичні процедури у плюралістичному суспільстві стають базисом легітимності влади. Зауважено, що центральним елементом демократичної легітимації влади та однією з найважливіших складових комунікації влади і суспільства є вибори. Вказано, що у ході електорального процесу численні групові та індивідуальні ідентичності, що існують у суспільстві, у певний спосіб артикулюють себе в публічному просторі, у відкритому та визначеному певними правилами суперництві з іншими. Зазначено, що така артикуляція стає однією з передумов для формування загальнонаціональної ідентичності громадян держави. Доведено, що спільна національна ідея/ідеологія та демократичні засади політичного співжиття є взаємопов'язаними чинниками, оскільки саме формування спільної ідентичності через діалог, через інтеграцію цінностей прав людини, політичних та громадянських свобод до цілої багатовимірної конструкції національної ідентичності може бути фактором консолідації суспільства.

Problem setting.National identity is a multidimensional, complex phenomenon in which political and cultural (ethnic) factors combine and interact in some way.The question of their relationship, interaction and share in the formation of national communities has been the subject of long-standing debate.In Ukraine in a wide publicspacethe ethnic paradigm of the nation dominates, according to which the phenomenon of the nation is maximally identified with the ethnos politically organized in its state.In academic circles, there is a much more complex vision of the essence of the nation.However, in the context of the problem of further development of Ukrainian national identity and national consolidation of Ukrainians, many authors focus primarily on the importance of the cultural factor.But, the importance of political factors of national consolidation is markedly underestimated.In particular, the question of the role of institutions of representative democracy and democratic political culture in the process of strengthening the current Ukrainian national identity, the difficulties and opportunities associated with them, is on the margins.Recent research and publications analysis. In Ukraine, awide range of different aspects of the formation of modern Ukrainian national identity has been the subject of coverage in the monographs of M. Stepyko, M. Rozumny, articles by N. Pidberezhnyk, D. Kravchenko, O.Shaparenko, and other researchers.In the context of the analysis of the problem of national consolidation of Ukraine, A. Kolodiy presented her vision of the essence of the phenomenon of nation and national identity.In the collective monograph of scientists of the Institute of State and Law named afterV. Koretsky presents an analysis of the specifics of the identity of the population of certain regions of Ukraine, proposals for effective mechanisms for its integration into the Ukrainian common national identity.Distinctive narratives of national identity that exist in Ukraine have been the subject of research by American political scientist K. Korostelina.British / Ukrainian researcher T. Kuzio addressed the problem of the interaction of different identity options and democratization processes in Ukraine in the post-Soviet period.In their reflections, these authors offered, in particular, the different visions of the share of political, ethnic and cultural components of national identity, the dynamics of their interaction in the process of national formation of modern Ukraine.Ofparticular note are the publications of Yu. Ruban, who pointed out, also in the Ukrainian context, the close interdependence between democratic institutions and national identity.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The relationship between the processes of formation of modern Ukrainian national identity and democratic values as its important and necessary component, democratic institutions, in particular, electoral and potential ways of national consolidation of Ukrainian citizens, needs to be studied in more detail.Thepurpose of thearticle is to determine the place and role of institutions of representative democracy in the processes of formation of Ukrainian national identity, in particular, taking into account current political changes, identifying related challenges and opportunities.Paper main body. For almost three decades of Ukraine's independent state existence, its political development has taken place within the framework of democratic political institutions and has been carried out through the mechanisms of representative democracy.In the process of state/national development of Ukraine, the formation of its current national identity, the basic institutional components of democratic political procedures have proved to be a mandatory and permanent factor.In the process of interaction between the government and society, its starting point is the legitimation of power in the eyes of citizens.Citizens' perception of state power as legitimate appears to be in some way connected with the process of asserting national identity in its political dimension.It is democratic procedures in a pluralistic society that become the basis of the legitimacy of power.The central element of the democratic legitimization of power and one of the most important components of communication between government and society is elections, which in this aspect are essentially a factor in the formation of national identity.In the course of the electoral process, numerous group and individual identities that exist in society, in a certain way, manifest themselves in public space, in open and defined by certain rules rivalry with others.The common national idea / ideology and democratic principles of political coexistence are interrelated factors, because the formation of a common identity through dialogue, through the integration of human rights, political and civil liberties into the whole multidimensional construction of national identity can be a factor in consolidating society.Encouraging the integration of linguistic, ethnic and other minorities into the social and political space of a single state on the basis of interculturalism will thus contribute to the formation of a common civic identity in people with different (but at the same time in no way isolated from each other) cultural identities.Citizens' perceptions of the state as an institution that takes into account their interests and values, a greater level of civic participation in decision-making and implementation will ultimately mean greater efficiency of democratic governance, thus contributing to socio-economic progress and stability of the entire socio-political system.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The task of forming an image of national identity capable of integrating around itself, around the Ukrainian core, the achievements and values of various ethnic, linguistic and cultural minorities, politically united by the borders of the Ukrainian state, remains relevant.In this context, democratic institutionsand values,forming the basis for constructive public articulation of different points of view and interests, have the potential to promote more effective government and intergroup communication, reduce conflict in society, feelings of alienation between government and certain groups.Further prospects for research in this area are a more detailed analysis of the relationship between the democratic mechanisms of public communication and the peculiarities of the formation of the current Ukrainian national identity and national consolidation. In particular, in this context, the appropriate influence of the specifics of electoral procedures and processes, different forms of government needs to be considered separately. ; Показано, що у процесі взаємодії між владою та суспільством його вихідним моментом є легітимація влади в очах громадян. Зазначено, що демократичні процедури у плюралістичному суспільстві стають базисом легітимності влади. Зауважено, що центральним елементом демократичної легітимації влади та однією з найважливіших складових комунікації влади і суспільства є вибори. Вказано, що у ході електорального процесу численні групові та індивідуальні ідентичності, що існують у суспільстві, у певний спосіб артикулюють себе в публічному просторі, у відкритому та визначеному певними правилами суперництві з іншими. Зазначено, що така артикуляція стає однією з передумов для формування загальнонаціональної ідентичності громадян держави. Доведено, що спільна національна ідея/ідеологія та демократичні засади політичного співжиття є взаємопов'язаними чинниками, оскільки саме формування спільної ідентичності через діалог, через інтеграцію цінностей прав людини, політичних та громадянських свобод до цілої багатовимірної конструкції національної ідентичності може бути фактором консолідації суспільства.

El resultado de esta investigación que se presenta como tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en Ciencias Sociales se inscribe en la tradición de reflexión sobre la identificación, entendida como proceso social constitutivo, en el campo disciplinar de la Sociología. El propósito fundamental de esta pesquisa consiste en revelar la existencia de tensiones entre distintos modos de identificación que operan de manera simultánea y concurrente en agentes sociales que conforman parte de un colectivo social más amplio. Tales resistencias no son exclusivas del referente empírico seleccionado como unidad de análisis de esta investigación (los miembros de la Organización Testigos de Jehová); tensiones similares o análogas son posibles de puntualizar en otros grupos sociales cuyos idearios no sean necesariamente "religiosos". Sin embargo, los Testigos de Jehová como grupo social se presentan como una unidad de análisis pertinente, en virtud de su condición paradigmática como actor colectivo (e individual) en el cual se expresan tensiones de máxima intensidad entre procesos de identificación concurrentes y, que a primera vista, se manifiestan como mutuamente excluyentes. Por ello, esta indagación se propone comprender, desde el paradigma constructivista de la teoría social, los modos de conformación de los procesos de identificación social de los creyentes Testigos de Jehová. Asimismo, persigue identificar y explicar las tensiones existentes entre la identidad religiosa y la identidad ciudadana como instancias de significación del mundo social objetivo entre los adherentes a esta minoría religiosa. Por último, pretende explicar las resoluciones de dichas tensiones a nivel de la subjetividad de los agentes sociales pertenecientes a esta creencia religiosa. En el ordenamiento institucional, y por medio de ciertos mecanismos y dispositivos privilegiados, se evidencian las tensiones existentes entre el Estado y las minorías religiosas por el sostenimiento del monopolio simbólico de la construcción identitaria. Los Testigos de Jehová resultan un caso paradigmático de estas resistencias. La identidad ciudadana, como resultado de los mecanismos de normalización e invisibilización de la "otredad", opera como instancia de racionalización simbólica de las diferencias socio-culturales. En este sentido, la minoría Testigo de Jehová ofrece la posibilidad de advertir el modo en el cual el ideario del "Estado Nacional" se privilegia por encima del ideario religioso, ofreciendo como resultado una configuración cultural contingente (a la vez que definida por desigualdades de poder) que legitima prácticas sociales discriminatorias. Al nivel de las prácticas sociales de los Testigos de Jehová, se presenta la disyuntiva de considerar de qué modo los creyentes de esta minoría religiosa actúan como agentes políticos que propician por medio de la praxis ciudadana el bienestar del colectivo mayor en el cual se encuentran integrados. La discriminación social opera como forma de resolución de las tensiones identitarias a nivel de la estructuración de prácticas sociales discriminatorias. Por ello, resulta de interés no sólo sociológico y político, sino también social, elaborar una reflexión teórica y empírica que problematice la identificación, entendida como proceso, en el contexto más amplio de la "interculturalidad" a la cual se encuentran sometidas las sociedades contemporáneas. Pensar sobre los modos de tales identificaciones implica, necesariamente, desnaturalizar la "identidad nacional" como modo legítimo de dador de sentido de la vida ciudadana en el seno de un Estado nacional. Al mismo tiempo, ofrece una interpelación necesaria, a la vez que no exenta de tensiones y conflictos, entre otras instancias de significación de la vida social que operan entre los agentes sociales, que exploran la búsqueda de nuevas formas de identificación sustentadas en otros idearios. De este modo, esta investigación, producto del cuestionamiento primordial sobre las tensiones existentes en los procesos de identificación, pretende, por medio de un recorte peculiar y limitado, ofrecer líneas de interpretación y comprensión de las complejidades sociales a las cuales los agentes sociales se encuentran sometidos en el contexto socio-histórico particular. The result of this research presented as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Social Sciences is inserted in the tradition of reflection on the identification, understood as a constitutive social process, in the disciplinary field of Sociology. The main purpose of this study is to reveal the existence of tensions between different modes of identification that operate simultaneously and concurrently over social agents who form part of a larger social group. Such resistance is not unique referred to the empirical referent selected as the unit of analysis of this inquiry (the members of the Jehovah's Witnesses Organization); similar tensions are possible to point to other social groups whose ideologies are not necessarily "religious". However, Jehovah's Witnesses as a social group are presented as a unit of analysis, precisely beause of its paradigmatic status as collective (and individual) actor in which maximum intensity tensions between concurrent processes are expressed, which at first glance, appear to be mutually exclusive. Therefore, this research aims to understand, from the constructivist paradigm of social theory, ways of shaping social processes identifying Jehovah's Witness believers. It also seeks to identify and explain the tensions between religious identity and civic identity as instances of social significance of the objective world between the adherents of this religious minority. Finally, it attempts to explain the resolutions of those tensions at the level of subjectivity of social actors belonging to this religious belief. In the institutional order, and by certain privileged mechanisms and devices, the tensions between the State and religious minorities sustaining the symbolic monopoly of identity construction are evident. Jehovah's Witnesses are a paradigmatic case of this resistance. Civic identity, as a result of the mechanisms of normalization and invisibility of "otherness", operates as an instance of symbolic rationalization of socio-cultural differences. In this sense, the Jehovah's Witness minority offers the possibility to notice the way in which the ideology of the "national government" is favored over religious ideology, offering a cultural configuration result quota (while defined by inequalities power) that legitimizes discriminatory social practices. At the level of social practices of Jehovah's Witnesses, consider the dilemma of how believers of this religious minority act as political agents that lead through civic praxis presents greater collective welfare in which are integrated . Social discrimination operates as a form of resolution of identity at the level of structuring tensions discriminatory social practices. It is therefore not only sociological and political but also social interests, develop a theoretical and empirical reflection able to consider identification as a scientific social problem, understood as a process in the broader context of "interculturalism" to which are subject contemporary societies. Think about the ways of such identifications necessarily imply denature the "national identity" as a legitimate way of giving sense of civic life within a nation state. At the same time, it provides a necessary questioning, while not without its tensions and conflicts, among other instances of social life significant operating between the social partners, to explore the search for new forms of identification based on other ideologies. Thus, this research, questioning primary product of the tensions in the identification process, intends, through a peculiar and limited crop, offer lines of interpretation and understanding of the social complexities to which the social partners are submitted in the particular socio-historical context.

El resultado de esta investigación que se presenta como tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en Ciencias Sociales se inscribe en la tradición de reflexión sobre la identificación, entendida como proceso social constitutivo, en el campo disciplinar de la Sociología. El propósito fundamental de esta pesquisa consiste en revelar la existencia de tensiones entre distintos modos de identificación que operan de manera simultánea y concurrente en agentes sociales que conforman parte de un colectivo social más amplio. Tales resistencias no son exclusivas del referente empírico seleccionado como unidad de análisis de esta investigación (los miembros de la Organización Testigos de Jehová); tensiones similares o análogas son posibles de puntualizar en otros grupos sociales cuyos idearios no sean necesariamente "religiosos". Sin embargo, los Testigos de Jehová como grupo social se presentan como una unidad de análisis pertinente, en virtud de su condición paradigmática como actor colectivo (e individual) en el cual se expresan tensiones de máxima intensidad entre procesos de identificación concurrentes y, que a primera vista, se manifiestan como mutuamente excluyentes. Por ello, esta indagación se propone comprender, desde el paradigma constructivista de la teoría social, los modos de conformación de los procesos de identificación social de los creyentes Testigos de Jehová. Asimismo, persigue identificar y explicar las tensiones existentes entre la identidad religiosa y la identidad ciudadana como instancias de significación del mundo social objetivo entre los adherentes a esta minoría religiosa. Por último, pretende explicar las resoluciones de dichas tensiones a nivel de la subjetividad de los agentes sociales pertenecientes a esta creencia religiosa. En el ordenamiento institucional, y por medio de ciertos mecanismos y dispositivos privilegiados, se evidencian las tensiones existentes entre el Estado y las minorías religiosas por el sostenimiento del monopolio simbólico de la construcción identitaria. Los Testigos de Jehová resultan un caso paradigmático de estas resistencias. La identidad ciudadana, como resultado de los mecanismos de normalización e invisibilización de la "otredad", opera como instancia de racionalización simbólica de las diferencias socio-culturales. En este sentido, la minoría Testigo de Jehová ofrece la posibilidad de advertir el modo en el cual el ideario del "Estado Nacional" se privilegia por encima del ideario religioso, ofreciendo como resultado una configuración cultural contingente (a la vez que definida por desigualdades de poder) que legitima prácticas sociales discriminatorias. Al nivel de las prácticas sociales de los Testigos de Jehová, se presenta la disyuntiva de considerar de qué modo los creyentes de esta minoría religiosa actúan como agentes políticos que propician por medio de la praxis ciudadana el bienestar del colectivo mayor en el cual se encuentran integrados. La discriminación social opera como forma de resolución de las tensiones identitarias a nivel de la estructuración de prácticas sociales discriminatorias. Por ello, resulta de interés no sólo sociológico y político, sino también social, elaborar una reflexión teórica y empírica que problematice la identificación, entendida como proceso, en el contexto más amplio de la "interculturalidad" a la cual se encuentran sometidas las sociedades contemporáneas. Pensar sobre los modos de tales identificaciones implica, necesariamente, desnaturalizar la "identidad nacional" como modo legítimo de dador de sentido de la vida ciudadana en el seno de un Estado nacional. Al mismo tiempo, ofrece una interpelación necesaria, a la vez que no exenta de tensiones y conflictos, entre otras instancias de significación de la vida social que operan entre los agentes sociales, que exploran la búsqueda de nuevas formas de identificación sustentadas en otros idearios. De este modo, esta investigación, producto del cuestionamiento primordial sobre las tensiones existentes en los procesos de identificación, pretende, por medio de un recorte peculiar y limitado, ofrecer líneas de interpretación y comprensión de las complejidades sociales a las cuales los agentes sociales se encuentran sometidos en el contexto socio-histórico particular. The result of this research presented as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Social Sciences is inserted in the tradition of reflection on the identification, understood as a constitutive social process, in the disciplinary field of Sociology. The main purpose of this study is to reveal the existence of tensions between different modes of identification that operate simultaneously and concurrently over social agents who form part of a larger social group. Such resistance is not unique referred to the empirical referent selected as the unit of analysis of this inquiry (the members of the Jehovah's Witnesses Organization); similar tensions are possible to point to other social groups whose ideologies are not necessarily "religious". However, Jehovah's Witnesses as a social group are presented as a unit of analysis, precisely beause of its paradigmatic status as collective (and individual) actor in which maximum intensity tensions between concurrent processes are expressed, which at first glance, appear to be mutually exclusive. Therefore, this research aims to understand, from the constructivist paradigm of social theory, ways of shaping social processes identifying Jehovah's Witness believers. It also seeks to identify and explain the tensions between religious identity and civic identity as instances of social significance of the objective world between the adherents of this religious minority. Finally, it attempts to explain the resolutions of those tensions at the level of subjectivity of social actors belonging to this religious belief. In the institutional order, and by certain privileged mechanisms and devices, the tensions between the State and religious minorities sustaining the symbolic monopoly of identity construction are evident. Jehovah's Witnesses are a paradigmatic case of this resistance. Civic identity, as a result of the mechanisms of normalization and invisibility of "otherness", operates as an instance of symbolic rationalization of socio-cultural differences. In this sense, the Jehovah's Witness minority offers the possibility to notice the way in which the ideology of the "national government" is favored over religious ideology, offering a cultural configuration result quota (while defined by inequalities power) that legitimizes discriminatory social practices. At the level of social practices of Jehovah's Witnesses, consider the dilemma of how believers of this religious minority act as political agents that lead through civic praxis presents greater collective welfare in which are integrated . Social discrimination operates as a form of resolution of identity at the level of structuring tensions discriminatory social practices. It is therefore not only sociological and political but also social interests, develop a theoretical and empirical reflection able to consider identification as a scientific social problem, understood as a process in the broader context of "interculturalism" to which are subject contemporary societies. Think about the ways of such identifications necessarily imply denature the "national identity" as a legitimate way of giving sense of civic life within a nation state. At the same time, it provides a necessary questioning, while not without its tensions and conflicts, among other instances of social life significant operating between the social partners, to explore the search for new forms of identification based on other ideologies. Thus, this research, questioning primary product of the tensions in the identification process, intends, through a peculiar and limited crop, offer lines of interpretation and understanding of the social complexities to which the social partners are submitted in the particular socio-historical context.

In the rapid changing academic setting, language teachers are facing different issues and realities that require drastic and immediate measures for the improvement of language instruction. Gone are the days when traditional approaches and methods were being employed. Learners follow the trends and developments in technology and their attention spans keep on changing dramatically. It is not enough that language teachers will just provide assessment on grammar and speaking skills to evaluate the performances of the students, rather, they have to explore and uncover different factors that are pivotal in the teaching and learning process. The reviewers have decided to evaluate the book "The Impact of Multilingualism on Global Education and Language Learning" having the belief that in the contemporary period, multilingualism is such a formidable phenomenon that has tremendous impact on the lives of students, global education, and language learning and teaching. The ideas and insights crystalized from this review will help academicians, curriculum developers, language teachers, and educational leaders launch new projects for new directions in the field of education and language teaching. In a bigger world, people can see the effects of multilingualism due to spread of cultures, speedy communication, and diversity of learning climate. At the end of this book, the readers are able to imagine the power and influence of multilingualism and plurilingualism in changing educational landscape. The First Section is Multilingualism and Plurilingualism. In here, multilingualism is defined and explained. It brings abundant ideas and realities to people on the concepts and events they witness related to multilingualism and plurilingualism. Indeed, the rise of globalism and diffusion has led to interculturalism. Peoples around the globe have embraced common beliefs, fashion, ideas, and culture. Plurilingualism has been defined in this section with relevance to multilingualism. From this part, different ideas and insights are being offered. It brings and connects readers to possible existence of the phenomena such as multilingualism and plurilingualism in a diverse region or country. Also, the attitude of a group of people and community is being examined and described here. Through clear illustration, linguists and language teachers can get a picture of the phenomena and the ways they can do to revise and update their instructional materials and teaching methods. Further, the importance of having a lingua franca is clearly expounded here. Recent studies were explored on how new technologies can help spread English as a lingua franca. The section concludes the fact that because of the prevalence of multilingualism and plurilingualism, there is a great chance that multiculturalism also exists rapidly as it is occurring now. The Second Section of this book is the multilingual landscape. This section delves on how the concept of multilingualism significantly entered the world of sociolinguistics. It narrates the beginning of multilingualism, and how it was before monolingualism became a norm, from the beginning in the Old Testament to the rise of Roman Empire in the 7th century. The discussion is deemed to be very important for linguistics enthusiasts and researchers as it gives in-depth insights on historical foundation of multilingualism. We can no longer deny the fact that multilingualism is an important consideration in language policies and curriculum development. For instance, here in the Philippines, many linguists claim that learning English effectively is always attributed to the learner's mother tongue and how it highly influences the learners' second language acquisition. It is interesting to discover in the narrative that aside from many European nations like India, China, and Africa multilingualism is a norm. Nowadays, different countries have different official languages spoken on the record. We come to think about how these countries develop, plan, and implement their English language policies. The diversity of language all over the world is very evident. The world has 195 countries, but language spoken is several thousands more. Although languages are diverse, it not a hindrance in globalization. In this case, the role of English language plays a very important role in the aspiration of all the nations to globalize their citizens. The third section is the role of English. English plays an important role in communicating to different places. This section of the book highlights that all languages are mandatory in various places in the world; hence, English language cannot be an exemption. This portion somehow made us realize that proficiency in English is of utmost importance especially if a person wants to land on a high paying job. Moreover, English is already integrated in the various curricula from early childhood education up to high standards of entrance examination in different universities. The author cited different excerpts of several studies as evidences for a notion that English has been becoming more dominant while the world is getting more multilingual. Compared to Latin-Greek languages as discussed in the narrative of the second section, English is not the language of the elites, but an aspirational language for all. Since English plays a very important role in a person's life, English as a national language is pushed by the government officials. However, lack of preparation for materials is a big problem to teachers. For instance, in a case study by Rwanda, the French Government mandated that a switch from French to English, with only a year of preparation; thus, the proficiency to use English will of course may be compromised and cause a bigger problem, since some teachers are not as well proficient in French let alone another language. The lack of preparedness and English Proficiency will only multiply the problems which will make their life miserable as claimed in the excerpts shown. In addition to that, they claim that it could be more challenging as some students feel embarrassed and failure because of the mistakes they made using the English language. This section is concluded with a realization that English is not really a threat for establishing identity; instead, a powerful tool to enrich one's cultural uniqueness. The fourth section is the trends and issues in multilingual education. This portion talks about how English was viewed as just a subject by some, and in reality, is used in the learning process throughout the curriculum. This part scrutinizes reasons why English has been tagged as an important tool in a student's life. Many believe that students must possess higher order thinking skills such as hypothesizing, evaluating, inferring, generalizing, predicting or classifying. Through this, student's cognition will be developed and thus, they will not forget English. One example is the Tower Hamlets, a school in London who was reported to be the worst performing schools and now one of the best performing schools in the country. This was evident in their National Curriculum Test. During this test, students' grades in reading and writing surpasses Kent. This book also mentioned how learning English is not only limited to the educational establishment, but outside it through daily conversations and the use of internet. Since the diversity of the culture of European Union (EU), is very evident, the aim of the EU. To conclude this section, the author clearly explains about EU's language policy. He states that the main goal of Language Policy is that every European shall be able to speak at least two (2) more languages in addition to their mother tongue. This is due to the fact that in EU acquiring foreign language competence is a basic skill the citizen needs to improve their educational and employment opportunities. The last section is the recommendations for national systemic change. In this juncture, the author discusses the societal change to support multilingualism and educational change. We believe in the two main propositions made by the author here. The firs one being the overall societal context that is wider in scope than education; and lastly being the specific direction of educational provision and resource allocation. He explains it by mentioning Comenius (1657) and Piaget (1993). The former believed that the society's fate is dependent in the quality of education, while the latter claimed that education is not dependent to the action of school and family; instead, an essential building block of life in general. Human society is an educational society. The school system is constantly improved throughout the world to accommodate the demands of English proficiency. With this, the researcher suggested to the policy makers three (3) areas that they should consider: Validation, Practical Encouragement, and Specific Planning. This requires different language goals rather than one size fits all. Since each language require different approaches, in addition to that not all languages are learned formally. Anyone can learn language through listening to music, playing games, and watching films and of course communicating electronically. The new integrated language policies have lots of consideration. With this, the magnitude of these effects pale into insignificance compared with class/teacher effects. Since the teacher plays a very important role in the implementation of these policies. Conclusion The reviewers recommend this book because of its functional, practical, and authentic value. The sections are extensively and intensively discussed. They offer practical and theoretical examples that are felt and visualized by any reader who has growing interest in the field of linguistics and language education. Through this scholarly work, more language teachers can better understand the complex and dynamic transitions and developments in language teaching and learning. They can better design effective and appropriate materials and books that can address issues, challenges and problems in language education. In the years to come, more and more constructs will be discovered in relation to multilingualism and plurilingualism but language teachers and linguists have to do introspections on how education and stakeholders can remain attuned to global changes.