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Introduction. The period 1941–1942 became a time when American art was rapidly rebuilt on "military rails." Cultural figures in every way reinforced the morale of American soldiers and were engaged in justifying various actions of the government through a more accessible and understandable language of artistic narrative. Methods and materials. The rich material of the archive of the FBI, the army and other US security services allows a better look at how the cinema obeyed the propaganda needs of the warring power. The article is based on the principles of historicism and systematics, as well as the methods of historical comparativistics and imagology (discourse-analysis, analysis of audiovisual representation and some others). Analysis and results. It is quite clear that cinema played a special role in these processes – the most massive and popular type of art, which in the previous two decades became the most common form of leisure for Americans. This article is devoted to the use of cinema to justify the initially extremely unpopular measure of the American government to intern the Japanese in concentration camps in the light of the entry of the United States into World War II.

With the re-election of the seriously ailing President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Algeria's power elites have gained time to reach agreement over the general outline of the post-Bouteflika era. Despite rising fears within the regime of social unrest in the absence of fundamental reforms, precious few among the political, military and business elites are in fact willing to risk reforms that would threaten their sinecures and status. Struc-tural factors are also obstacles to change. However, the strategy of playing for time without tackling the issue of substantial reforms is probably riskier in the long term than a policy that allows for such reforms. Reform deadlocks in the strategic oil and gas sector, socioeconomic and ethnic conflicts and regional security challenges demand that key choices be made soon. Europe may not have much influence over Algeria's internal decision-making processes, but a purely stability-orientated policy aligned with European security and energy interests is short-sighted. (author's abstract)

German internal security is threatened by three distinct terrorist phenomena: organised Jihadists, independent Jihadists and the new Internationalists. Although Germany has not yet become the victim of a major terrorist attack, the country has been on high alert several times since 2006. This ARI examines the three different terrorist phenomena threatening internal security in Germany and evaluates the factors impeding a more effective counter-terrorism campaign in the country. The German security services are ill prepared to tackle the threat posed by the Jihadists, especially those which are not closely affiliated to larger terrorist organisations abroad. A deeply divided public and political sphere –including the ruling grand coalition– have not agreed on a common diagnosis of the threat and possible counter-measures so that Germany remains extremely vulnerable to terrorist attacks.

French national defense has traditionally been understood as the protection of national territory against attacks launched by other nation states. In instances where the President holds parliamentary majority, he is required only to inform the parliament before using military force. In cases where he does not hold majority, his proposals must first be approved in the parliament. The threat of international terrorism has radically altered this model be requiring internal security to be an element in national defense priority. The president's executive power may thus be seen to have undergone a considerable evolution that more closely reflects some of the American internal security adaptations that have been made in recent years. This article provides close analysis of the changing nature of the French president's executive powers in management of threats to security. References. Adapted from the source document.

Traditionally, American public interest in national defense has been sporadic, alternating between short periods of intense concern and longer periods of general indifference. Except for World War II, the only sustained military effort since 1789 was provoked by internal strife. American manpower ended the stalemate of World War I, but our participation was neither lengthy nor economically intensive.We often forget that one of the first purposes motivating the Founding Fathers was to "provide for the common defense." Six of the eighteen clauses in Section 8 of Article I of the Constitution, defining the legislative authority of the new federal government, deal with military matters. It was no accident that in the early issues of the Federalist John Jay and Alexander Hamilton should have dwelt at length upon the defense requirements of the American states. Properly, Hamilton was concerned also to demonstrate that under the proposed constitution the military would be subject to the civilian authority.

Abstract. In Europe, the discussion on the reform of the UN has run parallel to the institutionalization of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Since the Treaty of Maastricht, the CFSP began raising expectations about the possible role of the European Union (EU) in the UN, ranging from a common representation to a more effective coordination of the EU Member States on the Security Council. The purpose of this essay is to explore the link between the reform of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the development of the CFSP of the EU. To what extent and how does the UN institutional structure have an impact on European integration in the fi eld of foreign and security policy? To answer this question, the essay follows the evolution of European representation and coordination on the Security Council until the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, by using insights from realism, historical, and sociological institutionalism. Finally, it looks at how future reforms of the UNSC would affect the CFSP. The essay argues that the UN reform debate has infl uenced the development of EU foreign policy at the UN. Opposing strategies as well as institutional and sociological logics all resulted in an ambiguous process of incremental institutionalization of internal coordination. A reform of the UNSC would open new institutional opportunities and paths for European integration in foreign policy, either strengthening the current trend towards a directoire or encouraging new patterns of information sharing, coordination, and representation.

The creation of the Schengen Area was one of the greatest, most socially appreciated achievements of cooperation between 22 Member States of the European Union and Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway and Switzerland. The rules on crossing the borders of European Union Member States are common policies subject to specific regimes, but membership of the Schengen Area in particular has numerous consequences in terms of, among other things, border controls, as defined in the Schengen Borders Code. One of the most important of these is the abolition of controls at the internal borders of the countries which make up the Area. The adoption of common rules has not, however, deprived the countries which make up the Schengen Area of certain prerogatives to restore border control at internal borders in exceptional cases. This justification is, in particular, a serious threat to public order or internal security. France made the first use of this possibility on 21.10.2006 by reintroducing control at the land border with Spain for a few hours because of the Youth Days of radical young Basques in Saint-Pée-sur-Nivelle and demonstration organised in Bayonne by the support committee of Philippe Bidart. Since then, the countries have made repeated use of the instrument available and, in particular, the year 2020, which runs in the shadow of COVID-19, brings new challenges in this regard. The submitted article will analyse the possibility of temporary reintroduction of border control at the internal borders of the Schengen Area precisely in the context of the current challenges of the modern world. ; Utworzenie Strefy Schengen było jednym z największych, najbardziej docenianych społecznie, osiągnięć współpracy 22 państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej oraz Islandii, Liechtensteinu, Norwegii i Szwajcarii. Zasady przekraczania granic państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej należą do polityk wspólnych, poddanych szczególnym reżimom, ale szczególnie członkostwo w Strefie Schengen wiąże się z licznymi konsekwencjami w zakresie m.in. kontroli granicznej, określonymi w Kodeksie granicznym Schengen. Jedną z najważniejszych jest zniesienie kontroli na granicach wewnętrznych państw tworzących tę Strefę. Przyjęcie wspólnych reguł nie pozbawiło jednak państw tworzących Strefę Schengen pewnych prerogatyw do przywrócenia kontroli granicznej na granicach wewnętrznych w wyjątkowych przypadkach. Takim uzasadnieniem jest w szczególności poważne zagrożenie dla porządku publicznego lub bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego. Po raz pierwszy z tej możliwości skorzystała Francja 21 października 2006 r. przywracając na kilka godzin kontrolę na granicy lądowej z Hiszpanią z uwagi na Dni Młodzieży radykalnych młodych Basków w Saint-Pée-sur-Nivelle oraz demonstracje zorganizowane w Bayonne przez komitet wspierający Philippe'a Bidarta. Od tego czasu państwa wielokrotnie korzystały z dostępnego instrumentu. Zwłaszcza rok 2020, który upłynął w cieniu COVID-19 przyniósł nowe wyzwania w tym zakresie. W przedłożonym artykule dokonana zostanie analiza możliwości tymczasowego przywrócenia przez państwa kontroli granicznej na granicach wewnętrznych Strefy Schengen właśnie w kontekście aktualnych wyzwań współczesnego świata.

Introduction / Graham Hudson and Idil Atak -- Refugee system as a bordering site : security, surveillance and the rights of asylum seekers in Canada / Idil Atak Clair Ellis, and Zainab Abu Alrob -- European Union information systems for border and migration enforcement : trajectories, programmatics and uses / Julien Jeandesboz -- Surveillance sovereignty : migration management technologies and the politics of privatization / Petra Molnar -- Privatization of security, border management and defense in the EU : does reliance on tech companies erode states' sovereignty? / Eleftherios Chelioudakis -- Urban securitization and inland border enforcement / Graham Hudson and Sasha Kovalchuk -- Local resistance to outlawing sanctuary in Texas : changing forms of US migratory governance in the protection of undocumented migrants' rights / Benjamin Bruce -- Municipal immigration policing and resistance to internal bordering in Canada / David Moffette -- Urban sanctuary and solidarity : a global challenge to sovereignty and migrant repression? / Harald Bauder -- Border management and technology : a challenge to the right to privacy / Elif Mendos Kuşkonmaz -- The Marrakesh Compact : a new international framework for state cooperation on national security and migration? / Elspeth Guild -- Migration control and resistance : toward a multiscalar approach / Anna Triandafyllidou.

There is a robust consensus among EU Member States about the need to identify the complex links between the threats and challenges to the EU's security. The new institutional framework for the EU's external action will allow it to make further progress in developing a comprehensive security policy, integrating both internal and external dimensions of security and mobilising the policies and instruments required to effectively respond to security threats. New initiatives could pave the way for a more cooperative management of 'global home affairs'.

The perspective of SC and more generally of United Nations in interaction with ICC will not be directly investigated. It will be only incidentally and for the most relevant purposes for the investigation of the SC's powers to affect the content of the Treaty establishing the Court. More generally, any limits to the action of SC will be observed only in light of the repercussions that may have on the jurisdictional activity of ICC. From an internal perspective, so to speak, to the Court itself, it should be emphasized that the autonomy referred to is only that of the ICC with respect to another institution, a political body, the SC. In this perspective, the present work is concentrated on the analysis of the crime of aggression and the role of two organs, which they have fought for years to save peoples and punish those who have committed atrocious crimes such as that of aggression. The method used is that based on sources, in particular on the statute of the ICC and on "restrictive acts" or not of the SC.

Cover -- Half Title -- About the Book and Editors -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- Part One Domestic Conflicts -- I Conflict in Chad -- II Civil Conflict in Lebanon -- Part Two Interstate Conflicts -- III The Iran-Iraq War -- IV Multilateral Approaches to Multidimensional Conflict Resolution: Lessons from the Horn of Africa -- Part Three Superpower Involvement -- V Afghanistan 1984: Crisis After Crisis, Internal and External -- VI Grenada: An International Crisis in Multilateral Security -- Conclusions: A Mix of Means -- Index.

This paper analysed the effect of electronic internal auditing (EIA) based on the Control Objectives for Information and Related Technologies (COBIT) framework. Organisations must implement an up-to-date accounting information system (AIS) capable of meeting their auditing requirements. Electronic audit risk (compliance assessment, control assurance, and risk assessment) is a development by Weidenmier and Ramamoorti (2006) to improve AIS. In order to fulfil the study's objectives, a questionnaire was prepared and distributed to a sample comprising 120 employees. The employees were financial managers, internal auditors, and workers involved in the company's information security departments in the General Company for Electricity Distribution (GCBED) of Baghdad, owned by the Iraqi federal government. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) software was employed to analyse the data and hypotheses. The study concluded that there is a substantial effect on the performance of EIA depending on the COBIT framework in reducing electronic audit risk in GCBED. According to the findings, additional research should be undertaken to improve efficiency, accounting control efficiency, and asset protection programs to lessen audit risk.

It is grounded in the article that it is necessary to form a new fiscal policy paradigm and it is preconditioned by its orientation to provide economic growth and country's national security. The change of the geopolitical situation, slow down of the global growth pace, decrease of the global demand on the traditional commodities require to work out the interconnected set of measures, based on the creation of conditions for the Russian economy to transit to a new technological structure, for Russia to be among the leading countries in terms of gross domestic product and to oppose the impact of external and internal threats successfully. The objective of this work is to research the strategic directions of the Russian financial security aimed at analysis and indicative forecasting of a wide range of factors determining the financial and banking system stability, preserving its integrity and unity, overcoming Russia's internal and external threats in the financial sphere. To meet this objective the following tasks are set: to reveal the fundamentals and economic content of financial security; to structure the most important aspects of the financial security strategy; to identify specific features of budgetary security as a key component of financial security and determine fiscal consolidation priorities; to disclose methodological approaches to the formation of a financial security indicators system. The article draws conclusions about the need for an integrated approach to the financial security strategy formation that stimulates economic growth, improves the quality of public administration, the banking and financial system stability, human potential development. ; peer-reviewed