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In the article the authors analyze the change of French principles of participation in international conflicts after the new edition of White Book in 2013. Each White Book presents the aims and perspectives of the French defense policy development. The first one was published in 1972 during the Cold War and the next one in 1994 after the collapse of the Soviet Union when the major role in conflicts resolution was taken by UNO. The 21st century brings new challenges and threats as well as new methods of conflicts resolution taking into account their new nature and development. In the article we analyze new principles of conflicts resolution elaborated by Francois Holland, the book was published in 2013. The core principles of the previous Book (elaborated by N. Sarkozy) included the activation of the French role on the world arena and reduction of the military forces. But now taking into account that the majority of crises are international and involve different parties and countries, France focuses on collaboration with the other countries especially with the members of NATO. As an example the authors investigate policy of the French government in the operations in Mali and Libya where France plays the leading role. Both conflicts are not resolved and are going to become permanent. So, as it takes more forces and expenses, the French government tries to bring in more countries-allies to settle the issue.

Since 1990s, the number of states conflicts decreased and they started saying that the classical wars disappeared but at the same time, the number of internal conflicts increased dramatically. The end of colonial regime in Africa didn't bring peace to the region - the new wave of internal conflicts and civil wars overwhelmed the region. In the given article the authors analyze political and complicated socio-economic situation in the Tropical Africa, describe the conflicts in this zone, their typology, results and factors. The authors attempt to analyze internal and external causes of conflicts in the studied region, taking into account all elements of each conflict and their interdependence. The subject of the article is the conflict as the social element presenting the important part of international reality. It is noted that the crisis in the region influences every part of economic, social, and political spheres, so the solution is not possible without structural changes. In this connection, conflicts are the logical results of regional crisis as well as uncertain activity of international society. This situation provokes the large wave of migrants from the region and inside it. The countries the Tropical Africa can't guarantee any suitable level of life for the citizens, and the situation can't be resolved without active role of international community.

Арабо-израильский конфликт был и остается актуальным, втягивая в свою орбиту большое количество косвенных участников и угрожая безопасности всего региона, т.к. на современном этапе происходит эскалация конфликта. Понимание сути современных процессов невозможно без тщательного изучения истории и предпосылок конфликта, что определяет актуальность предпринятого исследования. В статье проанализирована деятельность международных и региональных организаций по деэскалации арабо-израильского конфликта, а также операции по поддержанию мира. Дана оценка ближневосточному квартету, охарактеризован план мирного урегулирования, известный как «Сделка века», а также указаны причины отказа Палестины и ряда других стран от данного плана. На основе изложенного выше выявлена роль международных и региональных организаций, участвующих в урегулировании рассматриваемого вооруженного конфликта на Ближнем Востоке.

The author examines the process of Soviet military involvement in the events that took place in Afghanistan from the viewpoint of the United States. This topic is poorly studied, and the author makes an attempt to fill this gap. The main goal of the paper is to consider the process of increasing involvement of the USSR in the interior Afghan affairs from the U.S. position and to trace how this position changed during 1979. Methods and materials: The author mainly relies on the document 'The secret correspondence of the foreign policy agencies of the United States on Afghanistan' and also draws documents from the U.S. Congress and a monthly bulletin from the U.S. State Department. Analysis. The special attention is paid to the period from the beginning of the spring of 1979 to the end of 1979, since it was during this period of time that the Soviet military presence in Afghanistan continued to grow. Results: The author concludes that throughout 1979 and earlier, the U.S. closely followed the events in Afghanistan and Soviet actions there. However, the U.S. position on possible Soviet military involvement was expectant, and the USSR was not given strong protests, which could promote the Soviet decision on military intervention in the civil war in Afghanistan.

The complexity of foreign policy actions' international legitimization is determinedby the use of unilateral approach in the new environment of world political processes. Due to Russian foreignpolicy's intensification, the issue of international legitimization of its foreign policy actions has expanded anddeepened in the post-Soviet space and beyond: it is obvious in practice, but not conceptualized at the theoreticallevel. It seems to be of utmost importance to consider the problem in the context of the recent mostpressing events - the Ukrainian and Syrian conflicts, using the case-study method as well as through the perceptual-hermeneutic analysis of foreign policy actions. The need to do research in legitimization as a process ofjustification and achievement of a foreign policy position's recognition is obvious. It is necessary to highlight thereasons for the ineffectiveness of Russian foreign policy actions' justification instruments and legitimizationpolicy. The assessment and conceptualization of existing legal and political concepts is particularly importantto build an international legitimization foreign policy strategy. The implementation of foreign policy action shouldbe accompanied by the transfer of basic foreign policy values and interests, combining legal, political, and moralgrounds. The improvement of the international legitimization mechanism, its tools' rapid revitalization and operatingflexibility can give Russia an indisputable advantage over other actors and allow it to ensure the necessary resultfor the foreign policy strategy and strengthen its positioning in the international environment.

The article deals with the issues of information in the negotiation processes for the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict. The information consists of international documents used in dealing with conflicts, as well as information about the actual situation on the ground. In addition, the powers of the negotiating party should be taken into account. These powers restrict the use of information to some extent. It is also necessary to point out the influence of the parties to the conflict and their information base on the mediators in the negotiation process. The observance of neutrality in the negotiations contributes to the achievement of positive results. At the same time, the activities of the parties to the negotiations directly depend on the position of a particular party in the region and its influence on the situation. Each side has the support of certain international forces. In the meantime, the situation is affected by the balance of these forces and the interests of superpowers that have their own interests in the region. The task of the Azerbaijani side is to form an objective view of the situation using the necessary historical data. The data should be complex and comprehensive.

English version on pp. 90-94 available at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/humanitarian-mission-of-the-negotiations-on-the-nagorno-karabakh-conflict/61582.html

Статья состоит из четырех частей. В первой части анализируется мандат СММ и его ограничения, а также некоторые дебаты о возможных расширениях или альтернативах Миссии. Во второй части освещаются специфический характер и последующие вызовы СММ по сравнению с другими миссиями ОБСЕ. В третьей части обсуждается вопрос об эффективности деятельности Миссии с разграничением позитивных и критических оценок наблюдателей с течением времени. В четвертой и последней части приводится краткий анализ влияниятрех основных участников конфликта - Российской Федерации, Украины и представителей двух донбасских де-факто образований (т. н. "ДНР" и "ЛНР") - на деятельность СММ. В заключении мы извлекаем некоторые предварительные уроки для будущего подобного рода миссий

This article is dedicated to the studying of the Madrid Peace Conference significance in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict settlement. The end of the Cold War at the beginning of the 1990s had a huge impact on the system of international relations and the Arab-Israeli conflict as well. The US an the USSR both worked together to gather Israelis an Arabs in one place for the purpose of negotiating. Thus they took part in the Madrid Peace Conference 1991. From the beginning Israeli position was more strong than Arabs one mainly because of the American bias in favor of Israel. Meanwhile, the USSR was on the edge of collapse and couldn't organize a comprehensive support for Arabs as Soviets did it before. Furthermore, each sides tried to lead the process of negotiations in their favor because both the Arabs and the Israelis expected different results of this conference. In the end, all participants were fed up with pointless discussions. Multilateral track of negotiations brought nothing. The same went with bilateral tracks. To sum it up, the «Madrid formula» of negotiations didn't fulfill the expectations. But at the same time, it prepared the base of further secret negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians in Oslo. Thus broking psychological barriers between these two sides was the main goal of the Madrid Peace Conference 1991.