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Para el análisis fructífero de las relaciones económicas internacionales parece indispensable reconocer que las condiciones de producción en el capitalismo tardío o economía globalizada carecen de una racionalidad que las sostenga. Esta falta de racionalidad explica, por un lado las dificultades de predicción y, por otro lado, la pérdida de orientación simbólica en el imaginario colectivo. Tales dificultades se relacionan en la práctica de los negocios con la imposibilidad de garantizar la continuidad de posiciones dominantes. Y en la teoría permiten descartar las visiones conspirativas que durante varias décadas simplificaron las explicaciones acerca del poder económico. En este marco los Estados nacionales y los actores privados se ven obligados a perseverar en un sistema de negociación permanente. A fin de responder a semejante desafío debe pulirse al máximo la capacidad para identificar prioridades nacionales y aplicar estrategias de negociación, aspectos que precisamente constituyen debilidades sintomáticas de los países en desarrollo. A propósito de dichas necesidades aparecen los denominados "acuerdos de libre comercio" (ALC), cuya progresiva difusión se debe precisamente a que promueven ámbitos de racionalidad o previsibilidad ajustada al objetivo de preservar y profundizar los nexos de interdependencia comercial y económica entre pares o grupos de países, contrarrestando así la incertidumbre prevaleciente a escala global. ; For the successful analysis of international economic relations seems essential to recognize that the conditions of production in late capitalism lack of a global rationality that sustains it. This lack of rationality explains the difficulties in predicting affairs and also allow us to understand the symbolic loss of orientation in the collective imagination. The difficulties in predicting and hence related to planning in business practice are bond with the impossibility of ensuring continuity of dominant positions. And in theory those difficulties aid to preclude the conspiratorial visions which for decades ordered and simplified explanations about economic power. Within this framework national governments and private actors are forced to persevere in a system of continuous negotiations. To meet such a challenge must be polished to the maximum the ability to identify national priorities and negotiating strategies, aspects that are just sign of weakness in developing countries.On the occasion of these needs have emerged so-called "free trade agreements" (FTA), whose progressive spread is precisely to promote an adjusted predictability and by this way preserving and deepening the ties of trade and economic interdependence between pairs or groups of countries, thus counteracting the prevailing global uncertainty. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

Numerous acts of foreign policy - but also of domestic policy - show the ideological commitment of Jair Bolsonaro with the lines of action of the government of the United States of America.The pronouncements and actions taken against Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua, as well as his rapprochement with Israel, among others, leave very little doubt about the pro-US geopolitical orientation of his government. However, his actions in the field of international economic relations appear to be more ambiguous.For this reason, this paper aims to characterize the international economic policy of Brazil during the first two years of President Jair Bolsonaro's adminstration, in general, and, specifically, in relation to South America. The novelty of this study lies in the approach to the subject through the interrelation between the geopolitical approach and the international economic policy of the aforementioned president.

In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major political element and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, the aim is to preserve national independence, avoid military intervention and integrate into the international system. For Spain, it seeks to assert its status as a major power with the capacity to intervene in defence of its citizens and to obtain the necessary reparations. This work is then structured around three issues: the debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of an extradition treaty for offenders and deserters. ; International audience In the nineteenth century one of the key conditions for recognition of sovereignity of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain order and ensure the lives and properties of nationals abroad. Justice, then, becomes a political element of the first order and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, it is to preserve national independence, to avoid a military intervention and to integrate into the international system. For Spain, it is asserting its status as a great power with the ability to speak in defense of its citizens and to obtain the necessary repairs. This work is structured so on three issues: debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of a treaty on extradition of criminals and deserters. ; In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major ...

Young people, hardest hit by the global economic downturn, are speaking out and demanding change. F&D looks at the need to urgently address the challenges facing youth and create opportunities for them. Harvard professor David Bloom lays out the scope of the problem and emphasizes the importance of listening to young people in ""Youth in the Balance."" ""Making the Grade"" looks at how to teach today's young people what they need to get jobs. IMF Deputy Managing Director, Nemat Shafik shares her take on the social and economic consequences of youth unemployment in our ""Straight Talk"" co

Climate Change: Stimulating a Green Recovery" looks at the global problem of climate change. With the world apparently on an economic recovery path, policymakers are looking at ways to limit the impact of climate change through broad international action. One of the challenges is to balance actions to mitigate climate change with measures to stimulate growth and prosperity. This issue of F&D also examines a variety of issues raised by the crisis?including the future of macroeconomics, explored by William White, former chief economist at the Bank for International Settlements, and the longer-term impact of the crisis on the United States, the world's largest economy. Our "People in Economics" profile spotlights Joseph Stiglitz, the Nobel Laureate who "can't get any respect at home." We also look at the need for rebalancing growth in Asia, which is leading the world out of recession, and we interview five influential Asians on the region's fragile rebound. We turn our "Straight Talk" column over to Barbara Stocking of Oxfam, who makes a forceful case for stepping up help to the most vulnerable around the world. "Data Spotlight" looks at trends in inflation, which has fallen into negative territory in some countries during the crisis, and in "Point-Counterpoint," two experts discuss the pros and cons of remittances?funds repatriated by migrant workers to family and friends back home. "Back to Basics" gives a primer on international trade.

According to the nature of the Westphalian system, the independent state is the central actor in international relations. However, the discipline has not developed theoretical approaches regarding the independence process, which is considered more a concern of the international law and the political interests of state actors. Then, in this article, the issue of independence is analyzed as a basic step for political entities to access statehood, becoming a basisfor understanding the role of the independent state in the Westphalian order. It is necessary to observe the variations in the conception of independence, especially regarding self-determination and recognition principle, acknowledging the existence of deep changes in the international system. This principle has had greater relevance since the 1990s due to the disintegration processes of some countries, particularly the case of Kosovo. Taiwan is also a relevant experience. Another key point is the weakening process of the state, with the appearance of variants that question the status and existence of the state actor. At the end of this paper, a brief reference is made to the Latin and Central Americanexperience, which shows particularities since the 19th century. ; El actor central en las relaciones internacionales es el Estado soberano independiente, según la naturaleza del sistema westfaliano; sin embargo, en la disciplina no se han desarrollado enfoques teóricos sobre el proceso de independencia. Se considera más un asunto del derecho internacional y de los intereses políticos de los actores estatales. Por ello, se analiza en este trabajo, la cuestión de la independencia como un paso básico para que las entidades políticas accedan a la categoría de Estado, lo que sirve de fundamento para entender el papel del Estado independiente en el orden westfaliano. Al reconocer que hay cambios profundos en el sistema internacional, es necesario observar las variaciones en la concepción de independencia, sobre todo en relación con el principio de autodeterminación y el reconocimiento.Esto tiene mayor relevancia a partir de la década de 1990, por los procesos de desintegración de algunos países, en particular, el caso de Kosovo; otra experiencia relevante es Taiwán. A lo anterior, se suma el debilitamiento del Estado, con la aparición de variantes que cuestionan la estatidad y la existencia del actor estatal. Al final,se hace una breve referencia a la experiencia latinoamericana y centroamericana, que muestran particularidades desde el siglo XIX.