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Para el análisis fructífero de las relaciones económicas internacionales parece indispensable reconocer que las condiciones de producción en el capitalismo tardío o economía globalizada carecen de una racionalidad que las sostenga. Esta falta de racionalidad explica, por un lado las dificultades de predicción y, por otro lado, la pérdida de orientación simbólica en el imaginario colectivo. Tales dificultades se relacionan en la práctica de los negocios con la imposibilidad de garantizar la continuidad de posiciones dominantes. Y en la teoría permiten descartar las visiones conspirativas que durante varias décadas simplificaron las explicaciones acerca del poder económico. En este marco los Estados nacionales y los actores privados se ven obligados a perseverar en un sistema de negociación permanente. A fin de responder a semejante desafío debe pulirse al máximo la capacidad para identificar prioridades nacionales y aplicar estrategias de negociación, aspectos que precisamente constituyen debilidades sintomáticas de los países en desarrollo. A propósito de dichas necesidades aparecen los denominados "acuerdos de libre comercio" (ALC), cuya progresiva difusión se debe precisamente a que promueven ámbitos de racionalidad o previsibilidad ajustada al objetivo de preservar y profundizar los nexos de interdependencia comercial y económica entre pares o grupos de países, contrarrestando así la incertidumbre prevaleciente a escala global. ; For the successful analysis of international economic relations seems essential to recognize that the conditions of production in late capitalism lack of a global rationality that sustains it. This lack of rationality explains the difficulties in predicting affairs and also allow us to understand the symbolic loss of orientation in the collective imagination. The difficulties in predicting and hence related to planning in business practice are bond with the impossibility of ensuring continuity of dominant positions. And in theory those difficulties aid to preclude the conspiratorial visions which for decades ordered and simplified explanations about economic power. Within this framework national governments and private actors are forced to persevere in a system of continuous negotiations. To meet such a challenge must be polished to the maximum the ability to identify national priorities and negotiating strategies, aspects that are just sign of weakness in developing countries.On the occasion of these needs have emerged so-called "free trade agreements" (FTA), whose progressive spread is precisely to promote an adjusted predictability and by this way preserving and deepening the ties of trade and economic interdependence between pairs or groups of countries, thus counteracting the prevailing global uncertainty. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

Numerous acts of foreign policy - but also of domestic policy - show the ideological commitment of Jair Bolsonaro with the lines of action of the government of the United States of America.The pronouncements and actions taken against Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua, as well as his rapprochement with Israel, among others, leave very little doubt about the pro-US geopolitical orientation of his government. However, his actions in the field of international economic relations appear to be more ambiguous.For this reason, this paper aims to characterize the international economic policy of Brazil during the first two years of President Jair Bolsonaro's adminstration, in general, and, specifically, in relation to South America. The novelty of this study lies in the approach to the subject through the interrelation between the geopolitical approach and the international economic policy of the aforementioned president.

In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major political element and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, the aim is to preserve national independence, avoid military intervention and integrate into the international system. For Spain, it seeks to assert its status as a major power with the capacity to intervene in defence of its citizens and to obtain the necessary reparations. This work is then structured around three issues: the debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of an extradition treaty for offenders and deserters. ; International audience In the nineteenth century one of the key conditions for recognition of sovereignity of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain order and ensure the lives and properties of nationals abroad. Justice, then, becomes a political element of the first order and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, it is to preserve national independence, to avoid a military intervention and to integrate into the international system. For Spain, it is asserting its status as a great power with the ability to speak in defense of its citizens and to obtain the necessary repairs. This work is structured so on three issues: debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of a treaty on extradition of criminals and deserters. ; In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major ...