Search results

Increased prominence and greater influence expose international nongovernmental development and environment organizations (INGOs) to increased demands for accountability from a wide variety of stakeholders, including donors, beneficiaries, staffs, and partners. This article focuses on developing the concept of INGO accountability, first as an abstract concept and then as a strategic idea with very different implications for different INGO strategies. The authors examine implications for INGOs that emphasize service delivery, capacity building, and policy influence. They propose that INGOs committed to service delivery may owe more accountability to donors and service regulators, capacity-building INGOs may be particularly obligated to clients whose capacities are being enhanced, and policy influence INGOs may be especially accountable to political constituencies and influence targets. INGOs that are expanding their activities to include new initiatives may need to reorganize their accountability systems to implement their strategies effectively.

"International Nongovernmental Organizations and Foreign Policy Analysis" published on by Oxford University Press.

The transnational approach relativizes the role traditionally assigned to the state, without heralding its demise, disposes of the spatial factor without denying territorial realities and introduces a global perspective without underestimating analytical method. Discusses one of the categories of transnational forces: what are usually known as 'international nongovernmental organizations' (INGOs) or 'trans-national associations'. (RSM)

ObjectiveThis research adds to our understanding of environmental degradation by evaluating the "contested" role international nongovernmental organizations play in managing environmental problems. MethodsI use cross-national data for a sample of up to 70 nations to examine the effect of international nongovernmental organizations on deforestation for the period of 1990 to 2000. The models also include relevant controls for gross national product, economic growth, population growth, democracy, government expenditures, domestic investment, forest stocks, exports, multinational corporations, and structural adjustment. ResultsThe main findings indicate that nations with higher levels of international nongovernmental organizations presence have lower levels of deforestation. I also examine the effects of international nongovernmental organizations at different levels of democracy by including an interaction term between international nongovernmental organizations and democracy. In doing so, I find that international nongovernmental organizations continue to reduce deforestation. However, they reduce deforestation more at higher rather than at lower levels of democracy. ConclusionsThis research illustrates that international nongovernmental organizations reduce deforestation despite claims to the contrary. However, their effectiveness appears to be affected by the level of democracy in a nation. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractGrowth and decentralization have brought increasing conflict to many international NGOs, particularly between field and headquarters. This case study, written by the executive responsible for the activities portrayed, examines an attempt to define a clear new role for a headquarters department in a large, decentralized INGO focused on building unity of purpose. By ensuring that decentralized units of the organization took the leadership in related corporate initiatives whenever possible, with headquarters coordinating an inclusive process rather than implementing, unity was increased and tension reduced. Senior managers at the headquarters of growing, decentralized INGOs should find this case study relevant as they strive to maintain unity in the face of institutional fragmentation.

Objective. This research adds to our understanding of environmental degradation by evaluating the "contested" role international nongovernmental organizations play in managing environmental problems.Methods. I use cross‐national data for a sample of up to 70 nations to examine the effect of international nongovernmental organizations on deforestation for the period of 1990 to 2000. The models also include relevant controls for gross national product, economic growth, population growth, democracy, government expenditures, domestic investment, forest stocks, exports, multinational corporations, and structural adjustment.Results. The main findings indicate that nations with higher levels of international nongovernmental organizations presence have lower levels of deforestation. I also examine the effects of international nongovernmental organizations at different levels of democracy by including an interaction term between international nongovernmental organizations and democracy. In doing so, I find that international nongovernmental organizations continue to reduce deforestation. However, they reduce deforestation more at higher rather than at lower levels of democracy.Conclusions. This research illustrates that international nongovernmental organizations reduce deforestation despite claims to the contrary. However, their effectiveness appears to be affected by the level of democracy in a nation.

Transnational interactions have been defined as "the movement of tangible or intangible items across state boundaries when at least one actor is not an agent of a government or an intergovernmental organization." Correspondingly, transnational organizations can be defined as transnational interactions institutionalized. There may be several reasons why participants in transnational interactions may find it convenient to found a permanent organization and to endow it with a certain amount of authority to coordinate their interaction. First of all, the intensity of a particular kind of interaction may rise to such a level that more personnel and other resources are needed to regulate and facilitate the process. The most economical way of responding to this need may be to establish a joint secretariat. Second, although the intensity of exchanges between each pair of interacting entities may be constant, the number of participants may increase. This process results in a problem of coordination and the need for a coordinating agent in the form of, for example, an international body. To put it slightly differently, institutionalization tends to follow multilateralization. Third, although neither of the above conditions may dbtain, an organization may be founded to achieve fast action in emergencies requiring joint operation. Finally, an organization, and in particular its officers, may serve as mediator and arbitrator in situations of conflict and competition between interacting members. Such activities are, for example, promoted by the Inter-American Commercial Arbitration Commission.

The article identifies five principal reasons for international nongovernmental organizations to use humanitarian law in seeking to protect human rights during periods of armed conflict and also notes three difficulties in using humanitarian law. International nongovernmental organizations, aside from the International Committee of the Red Cross, possess an important role in assessing whether govern ments and armed opposition groups are respecting their human rights and humanitarian law obligations Americas Watch, Amnesty International, the International Commission of Jurists, and other organ izations have for some time been using humanitarian law and human rights law in armed conflict situations. They need to become more consistent and careful in using humanitarian law; they can also learn from the experience of the Red Cross in how to be more effective in safeguarding human rights during periods of armed conflict.