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Examines the paradox inherent in international relations whereby international law & diplomacy favor state autonomy in domestic affairs while multilateral treaties & international institutions allow for collective action against governments violating generally accepted norms of behavior. It is contended that this paradox is based on the character of sovereignty, which specifies that "individual states are independent, but not autonomous, from the collectivity of states." At issue is establishing the conditions under which the international community has assumed the right & responsibility to intercede to protect individuals & groups in sovereign states. The manner in which the principle of sovereignty limits & empowers state collectivities to enforce international norms is explored, highlighting the dialectic of sovereignty arising from the Westphalian system in which sovereignty is both a constitutive principle & derivate. Attention turns to scrutinizing international communities as conceptually independent of the states that constitute them, arguing that only with general consensus can a broad-based community of states legitimately intervene in the affairs of a sovereign. Because international norms change over time, how & why some rules & practices emerge during certain historical periods must be considered to explain the conditions necessary for legitimate multilateral intervention without violating sovereignty. Three conditions are seen as prerequisite for the existence of the kind of pluralistic international communities necessary to account for the relative consensus needed to legitimate intervention: (1) There must be a least a modicum of consensus among major powers of the fundamentals of international politics. (2) The consensus principles must enjoy broad support from smaller states & their key domestic groups. (3) There must be a universal membership organization with the authority to create & enforce norms of behavior. Those specific norms & principles on which the community is based are looked at. The principles of legitimate post Cold War multilateral intervention are next assessed, delineating four generally accepted principles, eg, in cases where governments commit a consistent pattern of gross human rights violations deemed "shocking to the conscience of mankind." Some policy & theoretical implications are touched on in conclusion. J. Zendejas

The utility of the notion of multi-level governance for International Relations studies is explored. An overview of the concepts of "good governance" & multi-level governance is presented. In addition, a comparison of conventional understandings of government & governance is performed, demonstrating an ambiguous relationship between the two notions; specifically, it is stated that in certain circumstances, governance opposes the distribution of authority enacted by state governments. Therefore, the distribution of authority within five international contexts -- international civic norms, international civil society, supranational organizations, the international system, & transnational threats -- is studied to determine the extent of insight provided by the adoption of a multi-level governance perspective to examining international relations. Several conclusions are reached, eg, particular supranational organizations exhibit hierarchical systems characteristic of central states, & recommendations for future research are offered. J. W. Parker

The author takes up the question of the usefulness of theory to the practice of feminist scholarship & at least as importantly to the practice of feminism & to the lives of women -- especially poor women living in societies in which women have even fewer rights than do their sisters elsewhere. Still, despite the limitations of theory, she argues that feminist philosophers should take up Kant's practical postulate. Women continue to suffer throughout the world from pervasive discrimination vis-a-vis all major human capabilities, including life itself, but this does not mean that the large-scale practical task of wedding history to theory should not be attempted. Such an attempt remains morally valuable to help us sustain hope about the human condition. D. Knaff

"The author surveys international reactions to the turmoil in Kyrgyzstan in March 2005 and the Andijan massacre in Uzbekistan in May 2005. While she discusses the behaviour of the neighbouring Central Asian states in the first part of the article, in the second part she analyses the responses of China, Russia and the United States, which are competing for influence in Central Asia, especially in the energy sector. In the third part the author examines the development of a post-Soviet multilateralism into a multi-vector one and the co-operation and integration of it into the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Shanghai Co-Operation Organization (SCO) and the OSCE. She also reflects on the mostly Western international organizations such as the European Union (EU) and international financial institutions such as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD). Finally she discusses the reactions of international human rights organizations." (author's abstract)

An overview of international migration examines who migrates, why they leave, & where they go. Most people migrate to improve their living conditions; however, potential income gains must be viewed against such costs as differences in the cost of living between the country of origin & the destination country; direct costs related to the job search; & social costs resulting from separation from one's family & society. It is noted that the migrant stock in the world's population has remained stable at 2.3 percent & demographic forecasts suggest that fears about a dramatic increase in international migration are unfounded. Most international migrants go to neighboring countries & migration flows to developed regions, especially North America, have been the most pronounced since the 1960s. Although many migrants are uneducated & low-skilled, an increasing number of highly qualified people are fleeing from war, natural disaster, persecution, or economic misery. The economic effects of migration in both the receiving country & the country of origin are discussed, along with immigration policies intended to curb unwanted immigration. J. Lindroth

An overview of international migration examines who migrates, why they leave, & where they go. Most people migrate to improve their living conditions; however, potential income gains must be viewed against such costs as differences in the cost of living between the country of origin & the destination country; direct costs related to the job search; & social costs resulting from separation from one's family & society. It is noted that the migrant stock in the world's population has remained stable at 2.3 percent & demographic forecasts suggest that fears about a dramatic increase in international migration are unfounded. Most international migrants go to neighboring countries & migration flows to developed regions, especially North America, have been the most pronounced since the 1960s. Although many migrants are uneducated & low-skilled, an increasing number of highly qualified people are fleeing from war, natural disaster, persecution, or economic misery. The economic effects of migration in both the receiving country & the country of origin are discussed, along with immigration policies intended to curb unwanted immigration. J. Lindroth

Argues that distinguishing between sovereignty's modern & postmodern forms problematizes Michael Hardt & Antonio Negri's (2000) analysis of Empire & the place of coercion in the so-called postcolonial & postimperial world. Discussion opens with a consideration of the crisis connected to various representations amid globalization, linking these representations to a conception of the international dominated by the sovereign Westphalian state. Three interconnected flaws in this sovereignty narrative include debilitating statecentrism, an unsustainable Eurocentrism, & the corresponding failure to comprehend key aspects of coercion in world politics. This narrative restricts representations of the international. Critique of Hardt & Negri's work reveals that, although their representation is ostensibly removed from the sovereignty narrative, their account of Empire depends on the same conception of the international. An alternative representation of the world that centralizes the state's & capital's internationalization is provided to confront Hardt & Negri's misleading analysis of the nature & distribution of power. It is asserted that such an alternative makes effective political action more likely. J. Zendejas

The argument is presented that the increasing awareness of the tension between international trade/globalization & environmental protection will only improve with the co-evolution of ecological knowledge & reform of national & international institutions. The author supports the argument by analysis of three topics that include epistemological tensions between key trade & environment norms, the relationship between trade, ecology & intellectual property rights in relation to the TRIPS agreement & geographical indications, & the importance of shared national experience & ecological knowledge for institutional innovation & integrative responsibility at the international level. The author advocates continued experiments between institutions in spite of the current lack of intellectual & political leadership needed to guide dialogue between the national & international communities. References. J. Harwell

Offers the apparent North American consensus on the analysis of international political economy, highlighting the empirical hotspots that have captured the most attention & some that require a bit more consideration. The areas of international trade, monetary relations, & foreign direct investment are scrutinized to define the research limits of international political economy in terms of empirical puzzles & a theoretical agenda. Some research strands are organized around concepts, eg, international cooperation, rather than specific areas; the need for more nuanced & measurable outcomes for these analyses is cited. The domestic politics of foreign economic policy is examined, noting that the heart of the domestic-international link lies in the reciprocal impact of domestic institutions & interests on international interaction. Attention turns to the international level of analysis targeting the strategic interactions of national states with respect to economic affairs & the role of international institutions in setting the tone of international economic relationships. The narrow range of analytical & empirical problems tackled by the extant literature is cited, & it is contended that theorizing the integration of the domestic & international levels of analysis is a key pursuit. J. Zendejas