Search results

Reflects on the continuing evolution of the international system toward a third phase of capitalism that might achieve greater world unity & equality than in the 19th century. The historical growth of capitalism separated nation-states into a center & periphery. In the post-WWII period, capitalism entered a new phase in which production became disconnected from local contexts & capital became immune from national policies. It is unclear how the international system will evolve, but three types of relationships will structure the near future: center-periphery states, East-West, & between Western nations. Progressive forces should work toward a polycentric internationalism that seeks to link the nation-states of the international system on the basis of their level of development. D. M. Smith

The extent to which agents acting on behalf of the state are constrained by internal & external factors is examined. Literature on the influence of various factors on state decision making is reviewed, & constraints that affect state decision making on foreign policy are identified: agent views & inclinations; agent positions in the state structure; state political & legal foundations; & state economic, historical, & geographical position in relation to other states. International diplomatic standards, global law, international morality, different regimes, & global institutions also influence state decision making. Although none of the aforementioned constraints are absolutes, it is concluded that successful foreign policy requires the balancing of freedom & necessity. 34 References. J. W. Parker

Corruption is a complex activity. It is widely recognized as prevalent, despite the lack of empirical data. It goes beyond economic & political areas to affect people's lives & fundamental human rights. Governments that tolerate corruption are breaching human rights, so international human rights mechanisms have recently come into play to fight corruption & provide an alternative to domestic approaches. The human rights potentially affected by corruption are specifically those rights to affiliation, life, bodily health & integrity, political participation, nondiscrimination, & social & economic development. The Covenants supporting these rights, the International Covenant on Civil & Political Rights & the International Covenant on Economic, Social & Cultural Rights, are examined in relation to corruption. More solid empirical cases for the link between corruption & breaches of human rights are needed, & the human rights discourse needs to be integrated into international discussion on corruption & anticorruption activity. 1 Table. M. Pflum

The chapter defines & distinguishes foreign policy analysis & international politics, & discusses their origins & development as subfields. Next, the impact of constructivism on the areas, while not always acknowledged as such, is examined. Constructivism contributes to theoretical dimensions of structure, agency, rationality, institutions, & identity. Tables illustrate the application of key concepts. The chapter also summarizes important literature & debates concerning constructivism & international relations. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 50 References. K. Coddon

The contributions that national & international civil society can make to nations' realization of transitional justice are pondered. An overview of the challenges posed by transitional justice emphasizes three things that any transitional justice movement must consider, eg, the contextual specificity of each nation's transition to democracy. Eight objectives to be accomplished in achieving transitional justice are identified, including the ascription of past wrongdoing to proper groups & the promotion of public deliberation about past collective misconduct. After reviewing competing models of civil society, several things that civil society can do to encourage transitional justice are discussed, eg, the use of civil society groups to evaluate historical violations of people's human rights & to substantiate state wrongdoing; nevertheless, several caveats against using national civil society to promote transitional justice are offered. In addition, the role played by international civil society in facilitating the achievement of transitional justice is studied; specifically, it is claimed that global civil society can bolster national civil society groups & temporarily replace certain social & political institutions. J. W. Parker

Examines the growing threat of international terrorism, calling for a multinational legislative approach. It is argued that the key to such an approach, along with international cooperation in crime prevention & criminal justice, is the adoption of a legal definition of terrorism that can be enforced through domestic legislation. Efforts toward such a definition by the G7 countries plus Russia (P-8), including the 1995 Halifax (Nova Scotia) & Ottawa (Ontario) Summits, the 1996 Sharm el-Sheikh Summit, & International Crime Control Act, are analyzed. The recommendations of the 1996 Lyon & Paris (France) Ministerials for constructive engagement to promote change in certain countries are discussed. It is concluded that until nations beyond the P-8 implement these measures, they will be useless against terrorists increasingly driven by religious fanaticism. T. Arnold

The question of whether traditional liberalism can function as the foundation of social justice in the future is investigated. Liberalism's ambiguous treatment of ethical & moral issues in its attempt to ensure both individual autonomy & cosmopolitanism is reviewed. The problem concerning whether liberalism should treat international justice as both theory & practice is addressed. The need to integrate the concepts of duty & sentiment into contemporary liberal thought is then discussed. Informed by the thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, it is subsequently asserted that the language of sentiment offers an alternative that allows democratic societies to accept certain moral laws while avoiding violations of principles of social justice. Difficulties that arise when universalist & particularist thought are negotiated within the context of international justice are also covered. It is concluded that liberalism's claim that membership in a given political community is not an ethical issue requires additional review. 18 References. J. W. Parker

The question of whether traditional liberalism can function as the foundation of social justice in the future is investigated. Liberalism's ambiguous treatment of ethical & moral issues in its attempt to ensure both individual autonomy & cosmopolitanism is reviewed. The problem concerning whether liberalism should treat international justice as both theory & practice is addressed. The need to integrate the concepts of duty & sentiment into contemporary liberal thought is then discussed. Informed by the thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, it is subsequently asserted that the language of sentiment offers an alternative that allows democratic societies to accept certain moral laws while avoiding violations of principles of social justice. Difficulties that arise when universalist & particularist thought are negotiated within the context of international justice are also covered. It is concluded that liberalism's claim that membership in a given political community is not an ethical issue requires additional review. 18 References. J. W. Parker

The history of international nationality law & the concept of relational nationality are discussed, drawing on relational feminism. Prior to 1997, theory on nationalism took an individualistic perspective, avoided multiple nationality, & assumed the wife's nationality was dependent on the husband's. The 1997 European Convention on Nationality sought to address issues of multiple nationality & gender equality; it was neutral on multiple nationality because a gender equality perspective on nationality suggest accepting it in cases where spouses are of mixed nationalities. This points to a theory of relational nationalism in which marriage & family relations are important, & where family may mediate loyalties in a complex manner. Questions of statelessness & how the nationality laws in jus sanguinis regimes may be applied differentially to the first three generations are discussed. 108 References. M. Pflum

Demonstrates that, as it has been implemented by international development agencies, the women in development (WID) regime, with its origins in modernist colonial discourses & discourses of the market, disempowers Third World women. Drawing on relevant literature, colonial discourses are described as privileging the economy, culture, society, & politics of European peoples & homogenizing & essentializing Third World peoples, particularly women. Moreover, the discourses of the market are taken to stress individualism & voluntary choice in a manner that disempowers Third World nations in the international political economy. It is shown that these discourses have been at the root of the WID regime as it has been implemented by the World Bank. The Third World women's, or empowerment, perspective is advocated as an alternative basis for development, because it is rooted in the concrete experiences of women & grassroots strategies of organization that do not essentialize or disempower the people it is trying to assist. D. M. Smith