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Este artículo tiene la finalidad de repasar sintéticamente la cooperación comercial, económica y política entre la Comunidad Europea (CE) y América Latina (AL), brindando un análisis de su esquema institucional y legal, y aportando datos concretos sobre su funcionamiento en la práctica. Asimismo, se intenta esbozar en perspectiva el futuro de la relación, teniendo en cuenta los profundos cambios experimentados recientemente por la Comunidad Internacional. Uno de los rasgos más notables de la relación CE/AL es la marcada tendencia hacia la "supranalización" de los vínculos en cuanto a los sujetos se refiere, y hacia el "contractualismo" de su contenido. Si bien en la práctica esto ha permitido una mayor fluidez en el discurrir del diálogo político, no ha tenido hasta ahora gran significación para la solución de las disputas comerciales y para incrementar la ayuda económica de la CE a la región latinoamericana. No es justificado esperar un cambio en aquella tendencia en las relaciones CE/AL, por lo tanto una intensificación de los vínculos se supeditará al propio esfuerzo latinoamericano en conseguir competitividad, dinamismo y justicia social en sus economías, lo que depende de la profundización de los procesos de integración regionales. ; This article is designed to briefly review the trade, economic and political cooperation between the European Community (EC) and Latin America (LA) by presenting an outline of its institutional and legal framework, which is accompanied with concrete data on its functioning in practice. Likewise, there is an attempt to foreseen the future of CE/LA links, taking into account the deep changes that have recently occurred in the International Community. One of the main features of the EC/LA relations is the tendency toward a stronger "supranalitation", in terms of its subjects, as well as an increasingly "contractualism" in its contents. Although this trend has allowed a better understanding in dealing with political issues, it has not been so far of a considerable significance in resolving trade disputes and improving EC's economic support to LA. The above mentioned trend can be expected to continue in the future. Therefore an improved relation EC/LA will follow from the later own effort in order to achieve competitiveness, dynamism and social justice in its economies, which in turn depends on a deeper regional integration. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)

The notion of Sustained Development (SD) is felt to be handled of late in an arbitrary and confused manner be this from a variety of political standpoints or even scientific idem. The paper examines use made of the SD notion and to do so reviews the reports and proposals of various recognized regional and international bodies that incorporate it in their workings. Within this framework and a critical analysis of the same, S.D. is then analyzed as to its application to the various levels of territorial application and the suggestion made that it could best be set to work at a local level without any waiting upon its being better elucidated through further theoretical debate. The paper as to this advocates for the local as being that field where in the search for and putting into effect of SD indicators are best transformed into a top priority goal in the advancing of SD. It is likewise held that through its application at this level territorial administering would gain renewed strength and act as a trainer upon which a new vision of Growth could be husbanded to flourish. The paper sees the possible forwarding of territorial administering and a strategic evaluation of enviromental impact, along with a broadening of the concept of what that environment is as being crucial issues proper to the understanding and putting into effect of SD at a local or regional level. ; El concepto de Desarrollo Sostenible (DS) está siendo manejado con bastante arbitrariedad y confusión desde distintas plataformas políticas e incluso científicas. Se contrastan algunas raíces del conflicto y se acude a los planteamientos del DS presentes en aquellos informes y propuestas de organismos internacionales y regionales de reconocido prestigio. A partir de este marco de referencia y su análisis critico, se analiza el DS desde distintas escalas territoriales proponiéndose iniciar su implementación desde la escala local sin esperar a la clarificación del debate teórico. Y es en esta dimensión donde la búsquedae implementación de indicadores de sostenibilidad se transforma en objetivo prioritario para avanzar por la senda del DS y en donde la ordenación del territorio adquiere energías renovadas actuando como cañamazo natural sobre el que tejer la nueva visión del desarrollo. Avanzar las posibilidades que ofrece la ordenación del territorio y la evaluación estratégica de impacto ambiental, con una amplia concepción del medio ambiente, aparece crucial en la interpretación implementación del DS en la escala local-regional.

El esquema de modernización del gobierno militar chileno fue una reacción a la crisis del modelo populista-desarrollista que imperó en Chile desde 1929. Hacia 1973, éste había llegado a una situación terminal que, en lo político, se expresaba en una situación de ingobernabilidad y, en lo económico, se reflejaba en una continua caída del producto; un aumento del déficit de cuenta corriente de la balanza de pagos; una paulatina aceleración de las tasas de inflación y el sostenido aumento de los conflictos sociales. La nueva estrategia buscaba reducir el papel económico del Estado y restablecer el libre juego de las fuerzas del mercado, mediante la descentralización, la privatización, la liberación económica, la reforma del mercado laboral y la apertura a los mercados internacionales. Independientemente de los métodos utilizados por el gobierno militar, su gestión creó un país totalmente diferente y dio lugar a un nuevo modelo de regulación, donde hay una creciente dependencia estructural de la sociedad con respecto al capital. Oponiéndose a las evaluaciones más optimistas de este proceso, el autor concluye que aún persisten algunos problemas fundamentales: la concentración del poder económico, la intensificación de las desigualdades sociales y el grave deterioro ecológico. Problemas a los que es más sensible el nuevo gobierno democrático. ; The modernization imposed by the military regime in Chile was a reaction to the crisis of the populist view of development which had governed policy there since 1929. By 1973, the model was in i ts death-throes; in political terms, this meant that the country had become ungovernable. In economic terms, GDPwas steadily falling and the deficit in the balance of payments in current account was steadily rising. Inflation was also rising slowly, and with it, social conflicto The new strategy sought to reduce the State's role in the economy and to give free play to market forces by decentralization,privatization, deregulation, labour reforms and the opening up of the economy to international markets. Whatever themethods used by the military government, Chile became a new country, with a new model for regulation in which society as a whole became increasingly dependant on capi tal. The author rejects the most optimistic valuations of the process, but concludes that there are still some deep-seated problems: the concentration of power, the intensification of social disparities and serious ecological decay; and that the new Government is more sensitive to these problems.

RESUMEN: La proclamación de la República española en 1931 tuvo lugar cuando empezaban a empeorar las relaciones internacionales y a manifestarse ciertas tensiones en el mundo colonial. Las posesiones de España en el noroeste de África se hallaban en una zona de fuerte influencia colonial francesa. Por ello, cualquier proyecto de la joven República en ese terreno debía tener en cuenta a Francia, que constituía un punto de referencia esencial para toda la política exterior española. En este artículo se aborda la acción de la España republicana hasta el inicio de la guerra civil en diversas zonas del Magreb en las que fue patente la confluencia hispano- francesa: el Protectorado de Marruecos, Tánger, la costa occidental de Argelia, y también, al sur de esas regiones, los territorios de Ifni y Guinea ecuatorial. En general, la República española procuró subrayar el carácter civil —y no meramente militar— de la acción española en África, desarrolló algunas interesantes iniciativas culturales, llevó a cabo la efectiva ocupación del territorio de Ifni y mantuvo una larga negociación con Francia a propósito de Tánger. Pero la brevedad y los vaivenes políticos de aquella experiencia democrática española, así como el inmovilismo colonial de Francia, contribuyeron a que nada sustancial cambiase en el África española; de ésta saldrían, desde julio de 1936, los principales contingentes militares que abatirían a la República española tras una devastadora guerra civil. Palabras clave: República, Magreb, Colonización, España, Francia. ABSTRACT: The proclamation of the Spanish Republic in 1931 took place when international relations had already begun to deteriorate and tension was appearing in the colonial world. The Spanish possessions in the North-West of Africa were in an area of strong French influence. Therefore, any project of the young Republic in this region had to take France into account and was an essential reference point for all Spanish foreign policy. This article concerns the actions taken up by Republican Spain until the start of the Civil War in the several parts of the Magreb where the Spanish-French, confluence was evident: the Protectorate of Marocco, Tangiers, the west coast of Algeria, and, to the south of these regions, Ifni and Equatorial Guinea. In general, the Spanish Republic tried to underline the civil —and not only military— character of its policy in Africa, developing some interesting cultural initiatives, carrying out the real occupation of Ifni and undergoing a long negotiation vicissitudes of that Spanish democratic experience, as well as the colonial laissez-faire policy of France, contributed to the political stagnation in Spanish Africa, from whom would come, from July 1936, the main military contingents which then demolished the Spanish Republic after a devasting civil war. Key words: Republic, Maghreb, Colonization, Spain, France.

The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.

The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.

L 'estat ocupa un lloc privilegiat en les tipologies d'actors internacionals. Els elements de l'estat "territori, població i govern" son analitzats en aquest article en tant que criteris d'ordre polític. D 'aquesta manera el concepte jurídic de sobirania, que estableix la igualtat entre els estats, és substituit en aquest article pel concepte de capacitat. En conseqüència, l'article aborda no l'estat com a subjecte únic del Dret, sinó els estats com a pluralitat, amb capacitats diferenciades entre ells. En aquest sentit, una revisió comparativa -en termes demogràfics, territorials, económics i militars, entre d'altres- d'alguns dels cent vuitanta un membres (en el moment actual de Nacions Unides, és significativa de la jerarquia existent en el sistema d'estats. Una jerarquia elaborada apartir d'una base tangible (els recursos), d'una base intangible i de la voluntat política dels estats respectius. En l'article es revisen les grans definicions de la dita jerarquia: superpoténcies, grans potències,potències mundials, potències mitjanes i potències regionals, entre d' altres. ; El estado ocupa un lugar privilegiado en las tipologias de actores internacionales. Los elementos del estado (territorio, población y gobierno) son analizados en el articulo en tanto que criterios de orden político. Asi, el concepto jurídico de soberania, que establece la igualdad entre los estados, es sustituido en este articulo por el concepto de capacidad. En consecuencia, el articulo aborda no tanto el estado en tanto que sujeto único del Derecho sino los estados en tanto que pluralidad, con capacidades diferenciadas entre sí. En este sentido, una revisión comparativa-en términos demográficos, territoriales, económicos y militares, entre otros- de algunos de los ciento ochenta y un estados miembros (en el momento actual de naciones Unidas, es significativa de la jerarquia existente en el sistema de estados. Una jerarquia elaborada a partir de una base tangible (los recursos), cada vez más difusa, de una base intangible y de la voluntad politica de los respectivos estados. En el articulo se revisan las grandes definiciones de dicha jerarquia: superpotencias, grandes potencias, potencias mundiales, potencias medias y potencias regionales, entre otras. ; The state occupies a privileged place in the typologies of International Actors. The elements of the state -territory, population and government- are analyzed in this article in terms of criterion of a political order. The legal concept of sovereignity which stablishes equality between states is substituted in this article by the concept of capacity. As a result this article deals with the state not so much as the sole subject of law but the state in terms of plurality with different capacities. In this sense a comparative revision -in terms of demography, territory, economics and the military, among others, of some of the one hundred and eighty-one member states in thepresent moment of the United Nations- reflects the existing hierarchy in the system of states. Hierarchy is developped on a tangible basis (resources), which is more and more difuse, an intangible basis and the political will of the respective states. In the article the broad definition of this hierarchy is summarised. Superpowers, Great Powers, World Powers, Medium Powers and Regional Powers, among others.

The author of the paper offers as his central thesis a need for a certain degree of flexibility when it comes to setting up structures for the region, be this at national or international level. Such a flexibilizing is here felt to be a need imposed by the speed of the changes being suffered by regions on account of economic globalization and the democratic demands now made upon the regional setup as such. So that such a degree of flexibilizing might be achieved. the paper recommends a renouncing of any directing initiatives and a "from the centre downwards" philosophy when it comes to defining a region that this thinking be replaced by initiatives springing from its social basis which would lead on to defining of the region in terms of neighbouring territories and even of those with no common border or even of different countries. The technological and scientific revolution now under way is seen to call for new ways of understanding the region given that once long-standing limits founded upon territorial neighbourhood and their size no longer hold. Structural complexity is now the over-ridding factor in identifying regions, it is felt. their size being of little at the moment. The paper proposes a new typology for regions in which would figure 'pivotting' regions, these being the smaller units in our present-day political and administrative configuration but at the same time of a sufficient complexity as entities, associative regions which would freely enter into political association and count among them at least one pivoting region and one or more of the political and administrative regions neighbouring this and 'virtual' regions, created by tacit agreement between pivoting regions or associative regions when not sharing common borders. The Columbian Constitution is said here to offer a practical legal framework in which the above suggestions could be accommodated. The Peruvian Constitution is likewise felt to offer regional flexibility whereas that of Chile is. on the contrary, utterly inflexible. ; El autor plantea una tesis central: la necesidad de introducir un considerable grado de flexibilidad en la generación de estructuras regionales. tanto al interior de los países como en términos supra-nacionales. La flexibilidad es un requisito impuesto por la velocidad del cambio en el entorno regional. por la globalización de las economias y por los requerimientos democráticos en la conformación de regiones. Al fin de alcanzar tal grado de flexibilidad, se propone abandonar los esfuerzos dirigistas y "del centro hacia abajo" en la conformación de las regiones, para dar paso a iniciativas que surjan de la base social y que permitan la configuración regional entre territorios contiguos y también, entre territorios no contiguos, incluso, no necesariamente pertenecientes al mismo pais. La revolución científica y tecnológica en marcha obliga a idear nuevas formas de región, dando por superadas antiguas restricciones vinculadas a la contigüidad de los territorios integrantes y al tamaño de ellas. La complejidad estructural es ahora el factor crucial para identificar regiones, no importando su tamaño. En la propuesta se presenta una nueva tipologia regional en la cual se reconocen regiones pivotales (correspondientes a las menores unidades de la actual división político-administrativa que sean al mismo tiempo de una suficiente complejidad), regiones asociativas (conformadas por la unión política voluntaria entre a lo menos una región pivotal y una o más unidades político-administrativas colindantes), y regiones virtuales (conformadas mediante acuerdos tácticos entre regiones pivotales o entre regiones asociativas sin que medie contigüidad entre ellas). La Constitución de Colombia representa un marco jurídico práctico que permite encuadrar justamente este tipo de proposiciones. La Constitución del Perú también es un ejemplo de flexibilidad regional en tanto que, por el contrario, la Constitución de Chile es totalmente mandatoria.

A continuación se presenta una explicación del nivel anual y de las variaciones de la tasa de interés media colombiana en el periodo 1958-1992. En la primera parte se ofrece evidencia empírica favorable a la hipótesis de Fisher para explicar el comportamiento de la tasa de interés nominal; en efecto, se muestra que ésta ha dependido de la tasa real interna y de la tasa de inflación y que el coeficiente de determinación de la tasa de inflación sobre la tasa de interés es 1 en el largo plazo. En la segunda parte se muestra que la tasa de interés real interna ha dependido de la tasa real externa y que ha oscilado en torno a la suma de ésta y una magnitud constante. Por último, se consigna evidencia favorable a la hipótesis de que la tasa de interés real afecta negativamente la tasa de crecimiento del producto.