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United Nations as international organization issued an international convention to eliminate discrimination towards women, called CEDAW (Convention on Elimination of All Form of Discrimination Against Women). As the one of the nation that ratified the convention, Indonesia, adopted CEDAW articles that becomes UU RI No. 7 Tahun 1984. Indonesia agreed to prevent further discrimination towards women and implement all the policies written on those article. Unfortunately, the success and implementation of CEDAW is still doubtful, especially in political realm. The number of women political participation never reached 30% according to the affirmative action that is stated in Indonesian Constitution. The 2009 and 2014 general election showed that women's representation in parliament in still low and not having significant change. The success of CEDAW can be seen from women's political participation, measured by international indicator called GEM (Gender Empowerment Measure). GEM is used to measure shift and effectiveness of the implementation of CEDAW Convention in Indonesia, especially in political participation. This article concluded that CEDAW International Convention in political participation is not effective yet, considering the number of women in parliament not balanced with ratio of women citizen in Indonesia.

After the Soviet break-up and the Marxist regime collapsed, many of alternative notions emerged in the academic community in Russia, including alternative ideas in the field of International Relations (IR). A number of Russian IR scholars attempted to reconstruct the theories of IR, not just the IR theories that developed in Russia during the era of Marxism, but also against Western IR theories. Although the post-Cold War aspirations to create a distinct national school of International Relations in Russia, but these efforts are not free from the ideology and political goal that directing and guiding Russian foreign policy. Even, IR scholars in Russia have come to shared with the Russian government in terms of building the IR theories with the Russian characteristics, especially in challenging Western hegemony in the social sciences and international relations. This article tries to elaborate three intellectual traditions of international relations that developed in Russia, namely Westernism, Statism, and Civilizationism. Westernizer IR heavily influenced by Western liberalism, Statism more inspired by the realism, while Civilizationism is more of a hybrid between the constructivism and Russian essentialism.

A soft Brexit scenario will include an implementation period from the day the UK formally leaves the EU to 31 December 2020. During the implementation period, the UK will continue to be functionally treated as an EU member state and remain a party to EU international agreement. Associated with the ASEAN single market, should be considered the readiness of Indonesian regulations and legislations that in sectorial concerns at least three aforementioned legal instruments to be harmonized with the laws of the ASEAN countries. Important findings were shown by the research from the perspectives of business law, especially, capital investment law, intellectual property and international trade law that Brexit has significant impact for the EU itself, Indonesia and also AEC.

The purpose of monetary policy is to affect the economic activity through various channels of monetary transmission. One of the transmission channels Is via Islamic banking through financing to various sector of the economy. The change of monetary instruments certainly affects economic sectors differently Given the dual monetary system (Islamic and conventional) in Indonesia, it is interesting to see how those rates influence each of the economic sectors. This is important for the government in designing future economic programs by determining the specific sectors which must be prioritized. This paper aims to investigate the sensitivity of the economic sectors in response to the change in the Islamic and conventional monetary rate. The paper relies on the unit root test, the co-integration test, and impulse response functions, focusing on the period from May 2006 to February 2011. The data used is from monthly economic sectors for Islamic and conventional systems, Islamic monetary rates, and conventional monetary rates. The results show that Islamic banks play important roles in the monetary transmission process in the Indonesian economy. In particular, specific economic sectors react differently to both Islamic monetary instruments as well as conventional monetary instruments.

This study investigates the potential horizontal and vertical spillovers from FDI towards firms' efficiency level on Indonesian manufacturing industries, using firm-level panel data. The result suggests that positive evidence of horizontal spillovers arise instantaneously, but the impacts of vertical spillovers appear a year later. These indicate that foreign competitors cause local firms more efficient in the same industry. Furthermore, after one period of time MNCs running their business in Indonesia, they bring positive impacts on downstream markets but deteriorate manufacturing industries in the upstream markets. Therefore, the Indonesian government must ensure that overall benefits from promoting FDI must overweight their negative impacts.

The presence of foreign firms in a region can create spillovers to other firms, both within the intra-industries (industries itself) and inter-industries (other industries). Spillover from foreign firms can be in the form of technology transfer, efficiency improvement, managerial knowledge which ultimately is expected to increase productivity for other firms not only in large enterprises but also for micro small and medium enterprises (MSMEs). Hence, this paper aims to identify the potential backward spillover of foreign firms to MSMEs in East Java and the individual results show that the four highest backward spillovers values of foreign industries are industry of components and spare parts of the prime mover motor, industry of agricultural and forestry machinery and services for supporting, maintenance and repair, industry of pump and compressor and industry of measurement tools, manual regulator and testing. All of them are respectively located in Surabaya City, Pasuruan District, Pasuruan District and Mojekerto District. Furthermore, the general results show that the potential backward spillover exists in rubber, rubber goods and plastic goods industries as well as chemicals and goods from chemical material industries. The foreign firms which have highest backward spillovers are located in Pasuruan District, Mojekerto District, Sidoarjo District, Surabaya City and Gresik District. Therefore, the provincial government of East Java should immediately prepare and support both technically and financially to MSMEs in providing raw materials required by foreign firms based on the industrial classification and location results of this study. In addition, the provincial government of East Java can coordinate with the district governments in the areas of those foreign firms for preparing MSMEs in supplying raw materials.

The main objective of WTO Law is to accommodate individual's right in order to obtain better benefit of international trade. However, when a government violates WTO Law, it is therefore causing deprivation of individual right itself. Direct effect seems to be a feasible doctrine to provide a judicial protection for individual, in order to rebalance the right that is violated. Nevertheless, this doctrine is intractable to imply. This article discuss the polemic of giving direct effect of WTO Law and DSB Decision to domestic law to provide judicial protection for individual who becomes victim of WTO violation conducted by government

Abstract COVID – 19 is an unprecedented occasion that forces every state to adapt to the current changes in the dynamics of international relations. The impacts that are given by the Pandemic are not only on the health aspects, but also give the spillover effects to some aspects, such as economy and social, as the result of the closed-border policy and the restrictions policy on trading. By that means, the holistic and comprehensive approaches are needed to tackle the pandemic. Furthermore, Global Health Diplomacy is considered as one of the instruments or means to tackle the impacts of it. Notwithstanding, there are some states which implement the Me First Policy, especially at the beginning of the Pandemic. This paper examines Indonesia Foreign Policy through Global Health Diplomacy during COVID – 19 and to analyses the characteristics of the policy, either cooperative or competitive. This paper uses the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Kickbusch and Told on 21st Century Health Diplomacy: A New Relationship between Foreign Policy and Health, Global Health Diplomacy: The Need for New Perspectives, Strategic Approaches and Skills in Global Health, by Kickbusch, Ilona; Silberschmidt, Gaudenz; Buss, Paulo and the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Khazatzadeh-Mahani, A., Ruckert, A., & LabontÉ, R Through its Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia is aiming to implement the policy which are based on the solidarity and cooperativeness. Keywords: COVID – 19, Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia, Cooperative, Competitive

This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.

The era of trade liberalisation for the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) began in December 2015 and brought about economic liberalisation in the Southeast Asian region. This era is competitive and the ASEAN member states (AMSs) almost do not have full power of sovereignty to govern their own economic national matters. In this globalised dependence era, the majority of states in the world have to adjust and adopt as well as adapt their national laws to internationalised rules of law. This trade liberation era also has forced companies and other business entities, including Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and Cooperatives in Indonesia to compete with each other in order to tap the benefits of international trade liberalisation. In this context, SMEs and Cooperatives in Indonesia need some kind of protection from the government that does not oppose international regulations on trade. While the number of SMEs and Cooperatives is 98 per cent, their contribution to Indonesian export is small, at only 19 per cent. They are weak in terms of capacity building and access to capital, information technology, global markets as well as integration with regional and global market chains. This research paper evaluates SMEs and Cooperatives in Indonesia in terms of facing AEC trade liberalisation, i.e., what has done and should be done by the authority is to give proper protection to the SMEs in Indonesia by focusing on the manufacturing SMEs as this sector has the best chance of boosting SMEs' export capacity and building the competitiveness of Indonesian SMEs in order to be equal with other SMEs in the ASEAN region.

There are two functions of the state liability principle. The first is to secure individual rights (including economic rights) from a wrongful act conducted by a government, and the second is to compensate for damage caused by the infringement of individual right. Economic right is inherently allowing an individual to pursue economic interest both domestically or globally. In order to accommodate this right, a government is obliged to provide trade rules and mechanisms for every individual to conduct their global economic activities by participating in the WTO. The objective of the WTO significantly corresponds to the individual's right in order to obtain trade benefits. Hence, when a government infringes trade rules and mechanisms underlined in WTO Law, it will directly restrict individuals from gaining trade benefits under the WTO or, moreover, it will restrain individuals from enjoying their inviolable economic rights. When the right is violated, and the damage occurs, it thus leads to the obligation for the government to compensate the damage according to the state liability principle. This article discusses the nexus between the state liability principle and WTO Law, in order to encourage national courts to exercise the function of state liability by referring to the infringement of economic rights caused by the violation of WTO Law.

The background of this article is the existence of a global pandemic COVID-19 which has an impact in various fields. This article seeks to explore the impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic on information and communications technology (ICT) in the form of digital diplomacy. Exploration is carried out by investigating the case of Indonesian diplomacy at the United Nations (UN) in March, April, and May 2020. The main concept in this article is digital diplomacy. This concept illustrates the use of ICT as a means of diplomacy for state actors and changes at the policy and institutional levels. This article found various digital diplomacy activities from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Indonesia to the United Nations in New York, United States during the global pandemic COVID-19. These activities include: 1) coordination with Indonesia's Embassy and Consulate General in the United States to protect Indonesian citizens; 2) participation in UN Security Council virtual meeting to discuss international peace and security issues; and 3) participation in other UN bodies virtual meetings to discuss international development issues. This article argues that the impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic in the field of ICT is reflected in Indonesia's digital diplomacy at the United Nations. The global pandemic COVID-19 changed the means and tools used by Indonesian diplomats to gather information, negotiations, and responses on international issues. Even so, Indonesian diplomacy at the UN continues to run optimally.