Acts of conscience: Christian nonviolence and modern American democracy
In: Columbia studies in contemporary American history
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In: Columbia studies in contemporary American history
In: Cambridge Middle East studies 32
World Affairs Online
Was colonization very costly for the metropole? This view has been widely accepted among French historians even though little empirical evidence has been provided. Using original data from the colonial budgets of French West Africa (AOF) this paper provides new insights into the actual colonial public funding in this part of the French empire. Comparing the financial transfers from the metropole to AOF to total metropolitan expenses reveals that the cost of colonization of the AOF for French taxpayers was extremely low: French subsidies to the AOF represented on average 0.007 percent of total metropolitan expenses. From the AOF side financial transfers from the metropole were not that beneficiary since French subsidies represented on average 0.4 percent of total local revenue. Including the public loans and cash advances from the metropole does not change this general pattern. West Africans therefore funded most colonial public investments which reveal to be very small. One reason for the scarcity of public investments is the cost of French civil servants serving in the colonies which turned out to be a considerable burden for Africans: French government officials alone represented 20 percent of total local public expenses. ; La colonisation française a-t-elle coûté cher à la métropole ? Cette idée a été largement diffusée par certains historiens français, malgré les défaillances des données disponibles sur la question. En utilisant les données des budgets coloniaux de l'Afrique occidentale française, ce papier apporte de nouveaux éléments sur le financement public de la colonisation française dans cette partie de l'empire. En comparant les transferts financiers de la métropole vers l'AOF aux dépenses totales de l'Etat français, il s'avère que le coût de la colonisation pour les contribuables métropolitains a été extrêmement faible : les aides publiques ont représenté en moyenne 0.007 pourcent du total des dépenses métropolitaines. Pour l'AOF, les aides publiques de la France n'ont pas non plus été si avantageuses, ne représentant en moyenne que 0.4 pourcent du total des recettes du territoire. Le fait d'inclure les prêts et les avances ne changent pas fondamentalement le diagnostic. Les habitants de l'AOF ont donc financé eux-mêmes la quasi-totalité des investissements publics effectués sur le territoire, qui sont restés très peu importants. Une des raisons de la rareté des investissements publics était le coût de ces investissements : le poids budgétaire des fonctionnaires français a été un fardeau considérable pour les contribuables africains, le personnel de commandement absorbant à lui seul 20 pourcent du total des dépenses du territoire.
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As an important issue of the debate on industrial property in nineteenth century France, the non examination of patents is considered as one of the singularities of the French patent system. It is the counterpart of the right of the inventor considered, despite the controversy, as a natural one. However, still in the early twentieth century, many patent applications are subject to a review conducted by the Comité consultatif des arts et manufactures. Analysis of these reports makes it possible to highlight the contradictions between the legal framework and practices of actors in industrial property. It shows the patent as a textual resource, object of multiple and contradictory interpretations, but also and especially as the index of practices and actors that a history of inventors must take into account. ; Enjeu récurrent des débats sur la propriété industrielle au XIXe siècle, l'absence d'examen préalable des brevets d'invention est considérée comme l'une des singularités de la législation française en la matière. Elle est la contrepartie d'un droit de l'inventeur considéré, en dépit des controverses, comme un droit naturel. Pourtant, au début du XXe siècle, une partie des demandes de brevets sont l'objet d'un examen mené en partie par le Comité consultatif des arts et manufactures. L'analyse des rapports de cette instance d'expertise permet à la fois de souligner les contradictions entre le cadre juridique et les pratiques des acteurs de la propriété industrielle. Elle fait apparaître le brevet comme un texte susceptible d'une pluralité d'interprétations antithétiques, mais aussi et surtout comme l'indice de pratiques et d'acteurs auxquels une histoire des inventeurs doit s'intéresser.
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As an important issue of the debate on industrial property in nineteenth century France, the non examination of patents is considered as one of the singularities of the French patent system. It is the counterpart of the right of the inventor considered, despite the controversy, as a natural one. However, still in the early twentieth century, many patent applications are subject to a review conducted by the Comité consultatif des arts et manufactures. Analysis of these reports makes it possible to highlight the contradictions between the legal framework and practices of actors in industrial property. It shows the patent as a textual resource, object of multiple and contradictory interpretations, but also and especially as the index of practices and actors that a history of inventors must take into account. ; Enjeu récurrent des débats sur la propriété industrielle au XIXe siècle, l'absence d'examen préalable des brevets d'invention est considérée comme l'une des singularités de la législation française en la matière. Elle est la contrepartie d'un droit de l'inventeur considéré, en dépit des controverses, comme un droit naturel. Pourtant, au début du XXe siècle, une partie des demandes de brevets sont l'objet d'un examen mené en partie par le Comité consultatif des arts et manufactures. L'analyse des rapports de cette instance d'expertise permet à la fois de souligner les contradictions entre le cadre juridique et les pratiques des acteurs de la propriété industrielle. Elle fait apparaître le brevet comme un texte susceptible d'une pluralité d'interprétations antithétiques, mais aussi et surtout comme l'indice de pratiques et d'acteurs auxquels une histoire des inventeurs doit s'intéresser.
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Was colonization very costly for the metropole? This view has been widely accepted among French historians even though little empirical evidence has been provided. Using original data from the colonial budgets of French West Africa (AOF) this paper provides new insights into the actual colonial public funding in this part of the French empire. Comparing the financial transfers from the metropole to AOF to total metropolitan expenses reveals that the cost of colonization of the AOF for French taxpayers was extremely low: French subsidies to the AOF represented on average 0.007 percent of total metropolitan expenses. From the AOF side financial transfers from the metropole were not that beneficiary since French subsidies represented on average 0.4 percent of total local revenue. Including the public loans and cash advances from the metropole does not change this general pattern. West Africans therefore funded most colonial public investments which reveal to be very small. One reason for the scarcity of public investments is the cost of French civil servants serving in the colonies which turned out to be a considerable burden for Africans: French government officials alone represented 20 percent of total local public expenses. ; La colonisation française a-t-elle coûté cher à la métropole ? Cette idée a été largement diffusée par certains historiens français, malgré les défaillances des données disponibles sur la question. En utilisant les données des budgets coloniaux de l'Afrique occidentale française, ce papier apporte de nouveaux éléments sur le financement public de la colonisation française dans cette partie de l'empire. En comparant les transferts financiers de la métropole vers l'AOF aux dépenses totales de l'Etat français, il s'avère que le coût de la colonisation pour les contribuables métropolitains a été extrêmement faible : les aides publiques ont représenté en moyenne 0.007 pourcent du total des dépenses métropolitaines. Pour l'AOF, les aides publiques de la France n'ont pas non plus été si avantageuses, ne représentant en moyenne que 0.4 pourcent du total des recettes du territoire. Le fait d'inclure les prêts et les avances ne changent pas fondamentalement le diagnostic. Les habitants de l'AOF ont donc financé eux-mêmes la quasi-totalité des investissements publics effectués sur le territoire, qui sont restés très peu importants. Une des raisons de la rareté des investissements publics était le coût de ces investissements : le poids budgétaire des fonctionnaires français a été un fardeau considérable pour les contribuables africains, le personnel de commandement absorbant à lui seul 20 pourcent du total des dépenses du territoire.
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Was colonization very costly for the metropole? This view has been widely accepted among French historians even though little empirical evidence has been provided. Using original data from the colonial budgets of French West Africa (AOF) this paper provides new insights into the actual colonial public funding in this part of the French empire. Comparing the financial transfers from the metropole to AOF to total metropolitan expenses reveals that the cost of colonization of the AOF for French taxpayers was extremely low: French subsidies to the AOF represented on average 0.007 percent of total metropolitan expenses. From the AOF side financial transfers from the metropole were not that beneficiary since French subsidies represented on average 0.4 percent of total local revenue. Including the public loans and cash advances from the metropole does not change this general pattern. West Africans therefore funded most colonial public investments which reveal to be very small. One reason for the scarcity of public investments is the cost of French civil servants serving in the colonies which turned out to be a considerable burden for Africans: French government officials alone represented 20 percent of total local public expenses. ; La colonisation française a-t-elle coûté cher à la métropole ? Cette idée a été largement diffusée par certains historiens français, malgré les défaillances des données disponibles sur la question. En utilisant les données des budgets coloniaux de l'Afrique occidentale française, ce papier apporte de nouveaux éléments sur le financement public de la colonisation française dans cette partie de l'empire. En comparant les transferts financiers de la métropole vers l'AOF aux dépenses totales de l'Etat français, il s'avère que le coût de la colonisation pour les contribuables métropolitains a été extrêmement faible : les aides publiques ont représenté en moyenne 0.007 pourcent du total des dépenses métropolitaines. Pour l'AOF, les aides publiques de la France n'ont pas non plus été si avantageuses, ne représentant en moyenne que 0.4 pourcent du total des recettes du territoire. Le fait d'inclure les prêts et les avances ne changent pas fondamentalement le diagnostic. Les habitants de l'AOF ont donc financé eux-mêmes la quasi-totalité des investissements publics effectués sur le territoire, qui sont restés très peu importants. Une des raisons de la rareté des investissements publics était le coût de ces investissements : le poids budgétaire des fonctionnaires français a été un fardeau considérable pour les contribuables africains, le personnel de commandement absorbant à lui seul 20 pourcent du total des dépenses du territoire.
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Was colonization very costly for the metropole? This view has been widely accepted among French historians even though little empirical evidence has been provided. Using original data from the colonial budgets of French West Africa (AOF) this paper provides new insights into the actual colonial public funding in this part of the French empire. Comparing the financial transfers from the metropole to AOF to total metropolitan expenses reveals that the cost of colonization of the AOF for French taxpayers was extremely low: French subsidies to the AOF represented on average 0.007 percent of total metropolitan expenses. From the AOF side financial transfers from the metropole were not that beneficiary since French subsidies represented on average 0.4 percent of total local revenue. Including the public loans and cash advances from the metropole does not change this general pattern. West Africans therefore funded most colonial public investments which reveal to be very small. One reason for the scarcity of public investments is the cost of French civil servants serving in the colonies which turned out to be a considerable burden for Africans: French government officials alone represented 20 percent of total local public expenses. ; La colonisation française a-t-elle coûté cher à la métropole ? Cette idée a été largement diffusée par certains historiens français, malgré les défaillances des données disponibles sur la question. En utilisant les données des budgets coloniaux de l'Afrique occidentale française, ce papier apporte de nouveaux éléments sur le financement public de la colonisation française dans cette partie de l'empire. En comparant les transferts financiers de la métropole vers l'AOF aux dépenses totales de l'Etat français, il s'avère que le coût de la colonisation pour les contribuables métropolitains a été extrêmement faible : les aides publiques ont représenté en moyenne 0.007 pourcent du total des dépenses métropolitaines. Pour l'AOF, les aides publiques de la France n'ont pas non plus été si ...
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Was colonization very costly for the metropole? This view has been widely accepted among French historians even though little empirical evidence has been provided. Using original data from the colonial budgets of French West Africa (AOF) this paper provides new insights into the actual colonial public funding in this part of the French empire. Comparing the financial transfers from the metropole to AOF to total metropolitan expenses reveals that the cost of colonization of the AOF for French taxpayers was extremely low: French subsidies to the AOF represented on average 0.007 percent of total metropolitan expenses. From the AOF side financial transfers from the metropole were not that beneficiary since French subsidies represented on average 0.4 percent of total local revenue. Including the public loans and cash advances from the metropole does not change this general pattern. West Africans therefore funded most colonial public investments which reveal to be very small. One reason for the scarcity of public investments is the cost of French civil servants serving in the colonies which turned out to be a considerable burden for Africans: French government officials alone represented 20 percent of total local public expenses. ; La colonisation française a-t-elle coûté cher à la métropole ? Cette idée a été largement diffusée par certains historiens français, malgré les défaillances des données disponibles sur la question. En utilisant les données des budgets coloniaux de l'Afrique occidentale française, ce papier apporte de nouveaux éléments sur le financement public de la colonisation française dans cette partie de l'empire. En comparant les transferts financiers de la métropole vers l'AOF aux dépenses totales de l'Etat français, il s'avère que le coût de la colonisation pour les contribuables métropolitains a été extrêmement faible : les aides publiques ont représenté en moyenne 0.007 pourcent du total des dépenses métropolitaines. Pour l'AOF, les aides publiques de la France n'ont pas non plus été si ...
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This study begins by considering the banking sector and then moves on to issues relating to improving access to finance to support Nigeria's economic growth vision. The second part of the study refers to issues relating to longer-term finance: both the sources of financing, such as pensions and insurance, and their uses in providing financing for resolving Nigeria's crucial infrastructure shortfalls in infrastructure and housing. The final part of the study returns to the fundamental 'plumbing' of the financial system focusing on the legal and regulatory foundation for creditor rights and corporate insolvency, instituting sound corporate governance standards for corporations and banks, and providing secure and low cost transmittal of payments and remittances. While it is difficult to identify a common theme running through this volume without compromising the diversity and nuance of the recommendations, the overarching theme supported by this volume is the importance of exchange of reliable information as the basis for financial transactions between unconnected third parties. Implementation of systems designed to strengthen accounting and reporting standards for banks and corporations, the registration of movable and immovable property, property liens and credit histories as well as exchange of information about prices, interest rates, fees and charges for financials services will considerably enhance the functionality of financial systems and prove crucial in establishing a trusted and robust market-based financial system in support of stable economic growth and development in Nigeria.
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In: de Barcellos , M D , Kügler , J O , van Wezemael , L , Ueland , Ø , Verbeke , W & Grunert , K G 2009 , ' Beef healthiness and nutritional enhancement in beef as perceived by European consumers ' , 55th International Congress of Meat Science and Technology , Copenhagen , Denmark , 16/08/2009 - 21/08/2009 .
Introduction : A trend towards a higher awareness of health with respect to food intake has been noticed during the last years. This makes the concept of health in relation to beef production and consumption a highly relevant research topic. Objective : To investigate beef healthiness and nutritional enhancement in beef as perceived by European consumers. The research is under the scope of ProSafeBeef project - Pillar 5 Consumer Issues: Safety and New Products. Pillar 5 will focus on assessing consumer expectations with respect to beef safety, healthiness and on consumer acceptance of new technologies and novel beef products and processes. Method : Eight focus groups, each with between 7 and 9 participants were conducted in the capital cities of Germany, Spain, France and the United Kingdom in May 2008. In total 65 individuals aged between 19 and 60 years took part in the discussions. The focus group discussions were based on a common topic guide, translated into each language. The guide consisted of several sections, including one designed to elicit information on their opinions about beef healthiness and nutritional enhancement of beef. Results : Consumers associated health with wellbeing, an absence of disease and a good quality of life. Healthy beef was associated with a certain bias towards a "romantic view", a concept of the traditional encompassing grass-fed beef, raised outdoors with natural food. A healthy cut of meat was expected to be natural and without additives and hormones that could affect human health. Meat is considered a component of a healthy diet from participants in all countries. It is also considered a good source of protein and iron. Although consumers believed that beef should not be consumed on a daily basis, they recognised its nutritional value and its contribution to a healthy diet. Participants in the German and British groups were more concerned than others about the amount of beef that one should eat. Overall, consumers evaluated beef healthiness by a combination of intrinsic (e.g. flavour, colour and general appearance) and extrinsic (e.g. price, expiry date, labels or certifications, and brands) attributes or cues. Most consumers considered lean and "natural" beef to be the healthiest type: the more processed beef is, the less healthy it is believed to be. In the eyes of European consumers, healthiness also depends on how animals were fed and kept, how the meat was processed, and whether or not additives were present in the final product. Consensus existed associating unhealthy meat with BSE, poor general hygiene, a low price and excessive processing (marinating, canning, use of additives). The concept of restructuring and nutritionally enhancing beef with enzymes after removal of excess fat and connective tissues was rejected by the most of the focus group participants. For most respondents, the government (both national and European) should be responsible for beef healthiness. The role if industry is to improve beef healthiness, in particular through its research branches. At the farm level, veterinarians and farmers were felt to be responsible for the healthiness of beef, while each actor at every step in the food chain was perceived to have a share of responsibility for monitoring and guaranteeing beef healthiness. Conclusion : This study provides some important findings about beef healthiness and nutritional enhancement in beef based on a research conducted with European consumers. Beef healthiness is assessed by a combination of intrinsic (e.g. flavour, colour and general appearance) and extrinsic (e.g. price, expiry date, labels or certifications, and brands) attributes or cues. Beef is considered healthy food, as long as "naturalness" is assured. Nutritional enhancement was not perceived as a positive technology by European consumers, mainly due to lack of knowledge and misunderstandings, suggesting that food industry could better communicate the benefits of such technology to consumers. ; Introduction : A trend towards a higher awareness of health with respect to food intake has been noticed during the last years. This makes the concept of health in relation to beef production and consumption a highly relevant research topic. Objective : To investigate beef healthiness and nutritional enhancement in beef as perceived by European consumers. The research is under the scope of ProSafeBeef project - Pillar 5 Consumer Issues: Safety and New Products. Pillar 5 will focus on assessing consumer expectations with respect to beef safety, healthiness and on consumer acceptance of new technologies and novel beef products and processes. Method : Eight focus groups, each with between 7 and 9 participants were conducted in the capital cities of Germany, Spain, France and the United Kingdom in May 2008. In total 65 individuals aged between 19 and 60 years took part in the discussions. The focus group discussions were based on a common topic guide, translated into each language. The guide consisted of several sections, including one designed to elicit information on their opinions about beef healthiness and nutritional enhancement of beef. Results : Consumers associated health with wellbeing, an absence of disease and a good quality of life. Healthy beef was associated with a certain bias towards a "romantic view", a concept of the traditional encompassing grass-fed beef, raised outdoors with natural food. A healthy cut of meat was expected to be natural and without additives and hormones that could affect human health. Meat is considered a component of a healthy diet from participants in all countries. It is also considered a good source of protein and iron. Although consumers believed that beef should not be consumed on a daily basis, they recognised its nutritional value and its contribution to a healthy diet. Participants in the German and British groups were more concerned than others about the amount of beef that one should eat. Overall, consumers evaluated beef healthiness by a combination of intrinsic (e.g. flavour, colour and general appearance) and extrinsic (e.g. price, expiry date, labels or certifications, and brands) attributes or cues. Most consumers considered lean and "natural" beef to be the healthiest type: the more processed beef is, the less healthy it is believed to be. In the eyes of European consumers, healthiness also depends on how animals were fed and kept, how the meat was processed, and whether or not additives were present in the final product. Consensus existed associating unhealthy meat with BSE, poor general hygiene, a low price and excessive processing (marinating, canning, use of additives). The concept of restructuring and nutritionally enhancing beef with enzymes after removal of excess fat and connective tissues was rejected by the most of the focus group participants. For most respondents, the government (both national and European) should be responsible for beef healthiness. The role if industry is to improve beef healthiness, in particular through its research branches. At the farm level, veterinarians and farmers were felt to be responsible for the healthiness of beef, while each actor at every step in the food chain was perceived to have a share of responsibility for monitoring and guaranteeing beef healthiness. Conclusion : This study provides some important findings about beef healthiness and nutritional enhancement in beef based on a research conducted with European consumers. Beef healthiness is assessed by a combination of intrinsic (e.g. flavour, colour and general appearance) and extrinsic (e.g. price, expiry date, labels or certifications, and brands) attributes or cues. Beef is considered healthy food, as long as "naturalness" is assured. Nutritional enhancement was not perceived as a positive technology by European consumers, mainly due to lack of knowledge and misunderstandings, suggesting that food industry could better communicate the benefits of such technology to consumers.
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In: Studies in the history of Christian missions
Visions of the kingdom : Edinburgh 1910 and thehistory of Christianity -- Expectations of a new age -- An evangelical crusade founded on 'the science of missions' -- Edinburgh 1910 in retrospect -- Edinburgh 1910 and the history of ecumenism -- A representative conference -- Christianity on the cusp of transfiguration -- Origins and preparations -- The 'third Ecumenical Missionary Conference' -- J.H. Oldham and George Robson make their presence felt -- Deciding on the model for Edinburgh 1910 -- Broadening the base of planning -- Shaping the eight commissions -- The central advisory committee and its secretary -- Changing the title of the conference -- The inclusion of national christians and the exclusion of faith and order -- Oldham gets to work -- The financing of the conference -- Carrying the Gospel to all the world : defining the limits of christendom -- A mission to all humanity -- Commission I and the problem of statistics -- The conference hangs in the balance -- Oldham in New York -- Resolving the hard cases -- The anglican position clarified -- Evangelical reactions -- Negotiations with the Archbishop of Canterbury -- The unity of christendom preserved but at what price? -- The conference in session -- Conference logistics -- The opening of the conference -- The assembly hall of the United Free Church of Scotland -- The conference programme -- The conduct of debate -- The spirituality of the conference -- Give us friends! : the voice of the younger churches -- The non-western presence at Edinburgh -- The virtual absence of Africa -- The missionary societies and indigenous representation at Edinburgh -- Cheng Jingyi and the call for a united church in China -- Christianity and the national spirit : four voices from Japan, Harada Tasuku, Honda Yoitsu, Ibuka Kajinosuke and Chiba Yugoro -- Yun ch'iho and Christian nationalism in Korea -- S. Azariah and the challenge of inter-cultural friendship -- Pleas for an Asian theology -- The church of the three selves -- A church-centric conference -- The three-self principle : rhetoric and reality -- Church organization and the native mind -- The remuneration of national workers -- Failures in self-support -- Issues of Christian nurture and discipleship -- Theology and spiritual life -- The aims of mission education : cultural accommodation and the Catholicity of Christianity -- The brief composition and mode of operation of Commission III -- The American reception of the British drafts of the Commission III Report -- An anglophone perspective -- Defining the purposes of mission education -- Education as a form of evangelism -- Education as a strategy for a three-self church -- Education as the diffusion of Christian influence -- Education as the key to Catholicity -- The legacy of the Commission III Report -- Fulfilment and challenge : Christianity and the world faiths -- Previous scholarship on Commission IV -- The membership of Commission IV -- The theology and religious perspective of Commission IV -- The relation of Hinduism to Christianity -- T.E. Slater and the case for concentration on higher Hinduism -- The influence of Alfred George Hogg -- The relation of Isam to Christianity -- The religions of Japan and China -- Animistic religions and the neglect of Africa -- Assessing Edinburgh's theology of fulfilment -- Missions, empire and the hierarchy of civilization -- Missions and governments : the membership of Commission VII -- A hierarchy of civilization -- Missionaries and politics -- The colonial view of missions -- The impact of the Commission VII Report -- Missionary co-operation : its limits and implications -- The dilemma of Edinburgh : missionary co-operation or the promotion of Christian unity -- Existing instruments of missionary co-operation -- The German proposal for an International Missionary Commission -- The Commission Viii meeting of 21-23 December 1909 -- The American circular letter -- British hesitations overcome : Walter H. Frere, John H Ritson, and the birth of the idea of the continuation committee -- The Commission VIII debate and the creation of the continuation committee -- The legacy of Edinburgh 1910 -- Missionary perceptions of east, west, and south -- Race and culture -- The pursuit of church union in Asia -- The role of women in mission -- New patterns of missionary study and training -- Co-operation in mission : new initiatives in Britain -- Western ecclesiastical divisions and the changing contours of world Christianity
International audience ; This article studies how Ciceronian rhetoric developed a more literary approach of its object from 46 BCE on. Addressing the weakening of political oratory during Caesar's dictatorship, Cicero chose to put forward, in his Orator published in 46 BCE, a new idealistic understanding of rhetoric based on philosophical concepts and not on practical experience since the forum was now empty. This formalization was also meant as a response to the harsh criticism Cicero had suffered from C. Licinius Calvus and his followers, the "Atticists", who defended a stylistically restrained eloquence: defining the "ideal orator" would give Cicero the opportunity to refute the atticist theory of style. With this new rhetorical approach and its abstract ideal, Cicero was explicitly going back to the ancient Platonic tradition of philosophical rhetoric, of which he claimed to be the last representative. But despite Cicero's efforts, the very use of philosophy in this treatise would not result in a revival of philosophical rhetoric, as Plato would have understood it, but in the strengthening of a purely utilitarian approach to rhetorical technique. Instead of producing a treatise aimed at ethical progress, Cicero paved the way to the purely technical practice of declamatio as it was to flourish under the Principate. In order to analyze this paradox, I focus on the use of the stoic concept of decorum in the treatise. I show that decorum, formerly understood as a principle of coherence between the ethical agent and his actions, became in the Orator an abstract stylistic norm. Replacing the quod decet principle of stylistic propriety used by Cicero in the De oratore (55 BCE), decorum was meant to bridge the gap between ethics and rhetoric. It therefore became the central point of the treatise and was used by Cicero as the organizing principle of the doctrine. This article explains how the treatise failed to reach this goal, and how the rhetorical understanding of decorum changed its very meaning, paradoxically forcing Cicero to present his readers a theory soon to be turned into a literary – and mainly stylistic – tool, devoid of ethical and political implications. ; Pour répondre à l'affaiblissement de la parole politique sous la dictature césarienne, Cicéron choisit de développer, dans son Orator publié en 46 av. J.-C., une nouvelle approche idéalisante de la rhétorique en fondant celle-ci non plus sur son expérience pratique (le forum était désormais désert) mais sur des concepts philosophiques. Cette formalisation nouvelle était également conçue comme une réponse aux critiques que Cicéron subissait de la part des Atticistes qui défendaient un style d'éloquence sec. La définition de « l'orateur idéal » fournie par l'Orator devait permettre à Cicéron de réfuter leur théorie. Cette nouvelle approche rhétorique et l'idéal oratoire abstrait qu'elle proposait ramenait explicitement Cicéron à la conception philosophique de la rhétorique défendue par Platon. Mais malgré ses efforts, l'utilisation de la philosophie dans le traité ne débouchera pas sur le développement d'une rhétorique philosophique platonicienne, mais, à l'inverse, sur le renforcement d'une approche purement utilitaire de la rhétorique. En tentant de produire un traité dont l'objectif serait éthique, Cicéron a involontairement mis en place les fondements théoriques d'une pratique technicienne, celle de la déclamation (declamatio) qui fleurira dès les premières années du Principat. Pour analyser ce paradoxe, je me concentre sur l'utilisation du concept stoïcien de decorum dans le traité. Je démontre que le decorum, qui représente originellement un principe de cohérence entre un individu et ses actions, est devenu dans l'Orator une norme stylistique abstraite. Cet article, rédigé en anglais, explique les raisons pour lesquelles l'Orator n'a pas atteint le but que Cicéron s'était fixé, et comment le sens même du concept philosophique de decorum a été modifié par son intégration dans la doctrine rhétorique. C'est cette transformation qui a paradoxalement contraint Cicéron à offrir à ses lecteurs une théorie appelée à devenir un outil littéraire et avant tout stylistique, privé de toute implication éthique ou politique.
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This thesis analyses institutional changes in the Arab Mediterranean countries (AMC) compared to the Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). We focus on the evolution of their national systems of governance (NSG) defined as the combination of corporate governance systems (micro-gouvernance) and state governance systems (macro-gouvernance). We use the "Institutional Profils" database of the French Ministry of the Economy. We highlight empirically the diversity of the NSG in 51 countries using a statistical multidimensional method (Principal Component Analysis). We describe the main features of the institutional changes in the governance systems of the AMC and the CEECs between 2001 and 2006. According to the recent litterature focusing on the origins of the divergence of institutional changes, we discuss the main factors (legal, political, cultural and economic) that explain the slow institutional transition in the AMC. We argue that, contrary to CEECs, the lack of European anchoring partnership may explain the laborious transition of the AMC from informal-based systems into formal rules-based systems and more transparent governance mechanisms. ; A l'heure où le paradigme dominant du développement est contesté par le succès de pays qui s'en sont démarqués, nous proposons de repenser le concept et le rôle de la « bonne gouvernance », présentée par les organisations internationales comme une solution ingénieuse et universelle qui viendrait pallier les carences des modèles de développement économique. Si les mesures de bonne gouvernance, qui visent par exemple à réduire la corruption, à améliorer la transparence de l'action publique ou à instaurer l'État de droit sont aussi souhaitables que nécessaires, les objectifs qui leur sont assignés en matière de développement économique ne peuvent être atteints sans une prise en compte des architectures institutionnelles spécifiques des pays en transition. Dans ce travail, le développement est compris avant tout comme un processus de transformation institutionnelle d'un système où l'État est instrumentalisé à des fins privées via des arrangements interrelationnels et informels vers un système institutionnel fondé sur des mécanismes plus transparents et davantage respectueux de la règle du droit impersonnel. Les importants travaux de Douglass North nous enseignent en effet que la source d'une croissance économique durable est à rechercher d'abord dans l'existence d'institutions qui incitent à une organisation économique efficiente. Ce sont ces institutions, définies comme les règles du jeu dans une société, qui réduisent l'incertitude en offrant une structure stable des interactions humaines. Elles fournissent l'élément fondamental du processus de création de richesse : la confiance, la confiance que les agents économiques ont dans le respect des institutions qui régissent leurs interactions. Dès lors, l'analyse du développement se déplace vers la recherche des facteurs qui génèrent la confiance, voire les facteurs de destruction de cette confiance. Appliquée aux pays arabes de la Méditerranée (PAM), notre démarche cherche à expliquer pourquoi les réformes de bonne gouvernance mise en oeuvre dans ces pays n'ont pas produit les résultats attendus. Pour ce faire, nous élaborons de nouveaux outils conceptuels afin d'analyser conjointement les dynamiques des institutions de gouvernance et du développement économique dans ces pays qui connaissent des mutations importantes en raison de leur insertion dans l'économie mondiale et la multiplication des acteurs. Nous mobilisons les indicateurs institutionnels issus des enquêtes élaborées par le MINEFE afin de décrire les spécificités institutionnelles des pays arabes de la Méditerranée. À travers une analyse multidimensionnelle, nous montrons que les réformes institutionnelles dans ces pays sont effectives mais les systèmes de gouvernance des entreprises et des Etats, censés délimiter le pouvoir discrétionnaire des élites dirigeantes, demeurent faiblement contraignants. La transition institutionnelle reste ainsi partielle en raison de la résistance d'une certaine élite au changement d'un système institutionnel qui leur permet un accès privilégié aux ressources du pouvoir. Nous soutenons dans ce travail que les systèmes institutionnels à l'oeuvre dans les PAM ne sont pas de nature à contraindre l'action des élites dirigeantes à entreprendre les réformes nécessaires au changement institutionnel. Nous avançons les arguments selon lesquels la persistance des institutions héritées du passé et la perpétuation des modèles de pensée claniques ont plutôt favorisé les organisations prédatrices et les institutions tournées vers la recherche de rente.
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Ihmisoikeusrikkomuksia tapahtuu nykypäivänä edelleen joka puolella maailmaa: Amnesty International raportoi vuonna 2008 tapahtuneen systemaattista kidutusta ja kaltoinkohtelua 81:ssä maassa. Kidutus on traumattinen kokemus, jonka fyysiset ja psyykkiset seuraukset ovat erittäin vakavia. Kidutuksen uskotaan hajottavan uhrin minäkuvan ja luottamuksen läheisiin ihmisiin niin täydellisesti, että pidätyksen jälkeen paluu tavalliseen arkeen on liki mahdotonta. Kuitenkin kokemus on osoittanut, että toiset ihmiset sopeutuvat traumaattisen kokemuksen jälkeen normaaliin elämään nopeammin ja helpommin kuin toiset. Kidutustrauman seurausten psykologisia prosesseja ei tunneta vielä riittävän hyvin, jotta voitaisiin tunnistaa erityistä tukea ja hoitoa tarvitsevat henkilöt. Tässä väitöstutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin miten tietyt persoonallisuuden ominaisuudet vaikuttavat trauman jälkeisten oireiden määrään ja niistä toipumiseen sekä kuinka vaikuttavia hoitomenetelmiä yksilö- ja ryhmäterapiat ovat kidutustraumasta toipumisessa. Tutkimukseen osallistuneet henkilöt olivat poliittisista syistä pidätettyjä ja kidutettuja palestiinalaisia miehiä Gazan kaistaleen alueelta. Tutkimuksen päätulos osoittaa, että jopa näin rankkojen kidutuskokemusten jälkeen osalla uhreista on positiivinen ja toiveikas mielikuva eli representaatio niin itsestään kuin läheisistä ihmisistään. Tulosten mukaan niillä kidutetuilla, joilla oli positiiviset mielikuvat itsestä ja läheisistä ihmisistä sekä nk. turvallinen kiintymyssuhde heille tärkeisiin ihmisiin oli sekä selvästi vähemmän trauman jälkeisiä psyykkisiä oireita että jopa myönteisiä trauman jälkeisiä kokemuksia. He esimerkiksi saattoivat kokea pidätyskokemuksen antaneen heidän elämälleen uuden suunnan ja sisällön. Tarkasteltaessa yksilö- ja ryhmäterapioiden vaikuttavuutta todettiin, että vuoden kestänyt yksilömuotoinen hoito auttoi kidutuksen uhreja sekä vähentämällä psyykkistä oireilua että lisämäällä trauman jälkeisiä myönteisiä kokemuksia. Vertaisryhmämuotoisesta hoidosta puolestaan hyöytyivät ainoastaan ne kidutetut, joilla oli edellämainitun kaltaiset positiiviset representaatiot itsestä ja läheisistä ihmisistä. Osalla negatiivisen representaation omaavista miehistä psyykkiset oireet jopa lisääntyivät vuoden hoitojakson aikana. Tämän väitöstutkimuksen johtopäätöksenä voidaan todeta, että sisäisten mielikuvien eli representaatioiden selkeä yhteys kidutustrauman jälkeiseen oirehtimiseen ja toipumiseen olisi tärkeä huomioida kidutettujen hoitomuotojen ja hoitoonohjauksen suunnittelussa. Ne kidutuksen uhrit, joiden representaatiot itsestä ja muista ovat negatiivisia, tarvitsevat intensiivistä ja henkilökohtaista hoitoa. Positiiviset representaatiot omaavat uhrit puolestaan hyötyvät kevyemmästä vertaistuki-muotoisesta ryhmähoidostakin. Työkalu representaatioiden laadun arvioinniksi olisi mahdollista kehittää tutkimuksessa käytetystä arviointimenetelmästä. ; This study focuses on psychological processes and mental health of Palestinian former political prisoners who have faced severe traumatic experiences in forms of torture and other ill-treatment. The main aim of the present study was to examine why other political trauma victims survive from their traumatic experience quite well while others continue to suffer extensively. Consequently, first, the role of central personality structures, i.e., self- and other representations and working models of adult attachment, was examined in relation to posttraumatic adjustment (articles I, II). Second, the use and compatibility of dispositional and situational coping strategies and their association to mental health was studied (article III). Third, the role of self- and other representations in predicting successfulness of individual and group treatment was examined (article IV). The participants were Palestinian men from the Gaza Strip who had been imprisoned during the first Intifada, the national uprising for independence in 1987-1993. The main results suggest, that even among these of highly traumatized men, there was a group of individuals whose internal view of self and others was worthy, capable and benevolent and that these positive internal representations or secure attachment working models acted as protective factors in terms of recovering trauma, both in terms of lesser amount of PTSD symptoms and more posttraumatic growth. Furthermore, active and constructive dispositional coping style was related to better mental health. Finally, the protective importance of these personality structures was reversely true in that the men with shattered representations needed most intensive, individually tailored treatment in order to recover and heal. More dramatically, men with negative mental representations did not recover at all when they participated in less intensive group treatment. Thus, the findings of this study strongly suggest that assessing central personality structures and processes, i.e. self- and other representations, attachment styles and coping strategies, provides significant understanding in helping the victims of torture and ill-treatment.
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