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I am convinced at every turn that the international is personal, and the personal is international too.1 Feminist International Relations (IR) scholarship has a small, but significant, presence in the Australian IR discipline. This presence, now over two decades old, has made important contributions to the re-thinking of the agenda, methodology and ambitions of Australian IR. This article offers a guide to tracing the impact of feminist scholarship in the Australian IR discipline. It begins with an overview of feminist IR generally, and then moves to identify the work of Australian scholars in this field. It demonstrates the pioneering breadth and scope of this work and pays tribute to the scholars who broke down the traditional barriers of the discipline to reveal the identities, issues, and ways of thinking about world politics that had been previously unexplored. It doing so, it analyses feminist impact on the core of the discipline as well as its work on expanding the boundaries of IR. It will argue that, in Australia, feminist IR scholarship is often (though not exclusively) located within the pockets of scholarship committed to exploring critical approaches. However, this article also recognises that the discipline of International Relations in Australia has not always been welcoming of feminist insights and contributions. With this in mind, this article turns to the challenges and debates that face feminist IR both within the discipline and without, with a focus particularly on the dialogue between 'critical feminism' and 'mainstream International Relations'. Adapted from the source document.

This report takes stock of the state of the field of international studies in India and recommends a vision and measures to strengthen the field and make it equal to those in leading institutions and programmes around the world. The ultimate goals of the measures recommended in the report are to: a. make India a leading centre of knowledge and education in international studies; b. produce a substantive pool of Indian scholars doing cutting-edge work that contributes to the production and accumulation of knowledge; c. produce first-rate graduates to meet the demands and opportunities arising from the modernization and rise of India in a changing world; and d. ensure that Indian IS scholarship contributes to increasing the knowledge base on India's international role as a responsible power fostering peace, security, good governance, economic development and resolution of a wide range of problems in its immediate region and the world. The vision, measures and strategies here would reform and build on existing institutions as well as create new ones by drawing on the best practices in leading institutions in India and other countries.

When the International Criminal Court announced on March 4, 2009, that it was pressing charges of war crimes against Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, a set of unintended consequences were thrown into motion. Al-Bashir responded by expelling thirteen of the international humanitarian aid organizations working in Sudan, as well as shutting down Khartoum's human rights organizations & human service agencies. In a country already racked by violence, poverty, & insecurity, the results were disastrous. This article looks at the legitimacy & effectiveness of the ICC in the face of such defiance & unintentional consequences. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper, the author presents and analyses various attempts made by the factors in the international community to define the rules of behavior in waging war as a means of communication among states in resolving their mutual problems. Presenting first the history (several centuries long) of attempts to restrain war waging the author focuses on the endeavors of the League of Nations in the period between the two world wars as well as on the creation of regulations by the United Nations after World War II. The author points out that the United Nations has built a comprehensive system of waging war restraint that, among other things, not only prohibits aggressive war waging, but also any use of armed force or threat of use of force. Some forms of military interventions could be taken only within the UN corresponding procedure. In spite of the fact that the treatment of war is regulated by the law within UN, it is present in the contemporary world as a result of the existing political and economic relations. As the author concludes, war and force keep on being used in practice, sometimes in a very violent way. Thus, they violate the provisions of international law that regulates the rules and treatment of war in international relations. .

Ashworth, L. M.: Interdisciplinarity and international relations. - S. 16-25 Ross, F.: Degrees of disciplibarity in comparative politics: interdisciplinarity, multidisciplinarity and borrowing. - S. 26-36 De Shalit, A.: Political philosophy and empirical political science: from foes to friends? - S. 37-46 Kelly, J.: What can interdisciplinarity offer to policy problems? Understanding the public policy of obesity. - S. 47-56

Disciplinary histories of Australian International Relations (IR) theory have tended to focus on the 1960s — when a number of Australian scholars returned from the UK to take up posts at the Australian National University's Department of International Relations — as the beginning of a discipline that has subsequently flourished through various disciplinary debates and global events. This article offers a preliminary attempt at narrating a more complete history of Australian IR by beginning to recover much‐neglected contributions made in the early interwar years. From these earliest years through to the current "era of critical diversity", it is argued, Australian scholars have made considerable contributions not just to the intellectual formation of an Australian outlook on international affairs, but to an understanding of international relations itself.