El inacabado proceso de fusión de British Airways e Iberia en el consorcio International Airlines Group (AIG), se inicia en enero de 2011 e incluye hoy a la compañía Vueling e Iberia Express. IAG Se configura como el tercer grupo aeronáutico más importante de Europa y sexto a nivel mundial si se tiene en cuenta el ranking de ingresos, habiendo transportado en el último año 69 millones de pasajeros, disponiendo de 230 destinos con una flota de 377 aeronaves. La fusión entre British Airways e Iberia, que tiene como plazo de finalización a 2016, presenta una acusada disimetría en sus planteamientos tanto como en la forma de regir y planificar la vida operativa de ambas unidades, hecho que está siendo fuertemente contestado desde diversas instancias como lobbies políticos, analistas e investigadores, medios sindicales, inversionistas o plataformas de afectados. En suma, todo un cúmulo de despropósitos y efectos negativos para Iberia una vez producida está primera fase de fusión en el holding IAG. En el trabajo se hace una valoración crítica de todo el proceso y lo que resta de la consecución del mismo, así como de las cláusulas de salvaguarda incumplidas y de otras tantas prácticas que en este momento están siendo denunciadas en los tribunales. ; The unfinished fusion process between British Airways and Iberia into the society International Airlines Group (IAG), begin since february of 2011 including at present day Vueling and Iberia Express Airlines. IAG are set up like third air ensemble the most important of Europe and sixth in global level according to income ranking, transporting last year 69 millions of passengers, disposing 230 places of destination and a fleet with 377 planes. British Airways-Iberia fusion, has a main term for finalisation 2016, presenting a deep dissymmetry on strategic approaches as much the general regulatory framework for their activities and planning applied on operating live in both airlines, with wrong answer by political lobbies, analysts and researchers, workers unions, investors and affected platforms. In summary, there is a host of absolute nonsense and negative effects by Iberia since first fusion phase in IAG holding. The aim of this paper is to make a critical appraisal for all process and the rest of the setup process, such us broken safeguard clauses and many practices denounced just now on the spanish courts. ; Grupo de Transporte Aéreo - Grupo de Ingeniería Aplicada a la Industria
This article explores the links between international trade and natural resource economics in recent writings. Firstly, it looks at the implications that adopting environmental regulations would hold for international trade flows and policy-making. Next, it covers the environmental impact of international trade reforms, in particular those that refer to trade in agricultural products. Also, possible methodological connections between these two economic fields within are explored. ; El presente artículo explora las conexiones entre economía internacional y economía delos recursos naturales en la literatura reciente. Se considera, en primer lugar, las implicancias de la adopción de regulaciones ambientales en los flujos de comercio internacional y en la formulación de la política comercial. Asimismo, se trata el impacto ambiental de reformas en el comercio internacional y los aspectos particulares del comercio en productos agrícolas. Por último, se exploran posibles conexiones metodológicas entre ambas ramas de la economía.
In matters of family protection as society's fundamental core, the Colombian State has subscribed and ratified commitments, so woman and children are granted special protection. The purpose of the study is to collect all the information about the protection agreements that the Colombian State has subscribed and ratified with international organizations in charge of safeguarding human rights -at the international level-, expressed in the Political Constitution of 1991, and included as constitutional block. Based on a bibliographic and archive review, the aim is to demonstrate that, even with such normativity, there is no capability in our country to avoid that each day women and children are mistreated and murdered, which results in the rupture of peace and harmony within the family in Colombia. ; En materia de protección a la familia como núcleo de la sociedad, el Estado colombiano ha suscrito y ratificado compromisos para que la mujer y los niños tengan una protección especial. El estudio se desarrolló con el fin de recoger toda la información atinente a los convenios que el país ha suscrito y ratificado con organismos internacionales encargados de velar por la protección de los derechos humanos, expresos en la Carta Política de 1991 e incluidos como bloque de constitucionalidad. A partir de una revisión documental y bibliográfica se pretende demostrar que, aun con dicha normatividad, no se ha tenido la capacidad para evitar que cada día se maltraten y asesinen mujeres y niños, lo que rompe la paz y armonía de la familia en Colombia.
In matters of family protection as society's fundamental core, the colombian state has subscribed and ratified commitments, so woman and children are granted special protection. The purpose of the study is to collect all the information about the protection agreements that the Colombian State has subscribed and ratified with international organizations in charge of safeguarding human rights -at the international level-, expressed in the Political Constitution of 1991, and included as constitutional block. Based on a bibliographic and archive review, the aim is to demonstrate that, even with such normativity, there is no capability in our country to avoid that each day women and children are mistreated and murdered, which results in the rupture of peace and harmony within the family in Colombia. ; En materia de protección a la familia como núcleo de la sociedad, el estado colombiano ha suscrito y ratificado compromisos para que la mujer y los niños tengan una protección especial. El estudio se desarrolló con el fin de recoger toda la información atinente a los convenios que el país ha suscrito y ratificado con organismos internacionales encargados de velar por la protección de los derechos humanos, expresos en la Carta Política de 1991 e incluidos como bloque de constitucionalidad. Apartir de una revisión documental y bibliográfica se pretende demostrar que, aun con dicha normatividad,no se ha tenido la capacidad para evitar que cada día se maltraten y asesinen mujeres yniños, lo que rompe la paz y armonía de la familia en Colombia.
This paper deals with realism and international standards of accounting and aims at disclosing the foundations of the process of regulation in the field of accounting services, that common sense considers as a product of scientific research, derived of the construction of descriptions of the economic reality that support predictions dynamized by a communicative action.My methodological approach, based on hermeneutics, gives us a comprehension of the phenomenon, tries to know its causes and dynamics, appealing to historical interpretation, and seeks the origins and contents of accounting regulation as a mechanism of incorporating it in the global markets, out of strategies of international relations based on cooperation. ; Este escrito, trata sobre Realismo y Estándares Internacionales de Contabilidad. Pretende develar los fundamentos del proceso de regulación en el campo de los servicios contables que el sentido común, considera producto de investigación científica, derivado de la construcción de descripciones de la realidad económica que fundamentan predicciones dinamizadas por una acción comunicativa. El enfoque metodológico soportado en hermenéutica, construye una comprensión del fenómeno, busca conocer sus causas y dinámicas, apelando a interpretación histórica, buscando en ella los orígenes y contenidos de la regulación contable como mecanismo de incorporación a, y de los mercados globales, desde estrategias de relaciones internacionales basadas en cooperación.El proceso interpretativo, permite entender la regulación desde una perspectiva de realismo, confirmando prácticas de segmentación cognitiva para transformar la contabilidad de bien público, en mercancía para satisfacer intereses de los agentes del financiamiento empresarial, abandonando el campo de la descripción, propio de la contabilidad como historia, desplazándola a la predicción por expectativas derivadas de valoraciones ancladas en el pasado y medidas en el futuro. No existen,en la regulación, estructuras hipotético-deductivas ni teleológicas en la perspectiva de las metodologías de construcción, que son políticas; ni bases epistemológicas, lo prevaleciente, es la instrumentalización de intereses y valores.Palabras clave:Teoría del régimen internacional, regulación contable,realismoeconómico, realismo político, cooperación.
Despite some global risks, external conditions for Latin America should remain stimulative. With monetary policy in advanced economies expected to stay accommodative, external financing conditions will remain favorable. Strong demand from emerging Asian economies and the gradual recovery of advanced economies will continue to support commodity prices, benefiting exporters. The main policy challenge for most of the region is to take advantage of current conditions to continue buttressing a foundation for sustained growth. Other issues important to the region include: (i) strengthening balance s
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Responsabilidad Social Corporativa es un concepto vibrante que está cambiando las funciones y acciones de los individuos, gobiernos y corporaciones. Hoy en día hay un gran movimiento hacia la implementación de políticas públicas que estimulen nuevas y mejores estrategias para incorporar el tema en la actividad gerencial. El concepto tiene un gran número de preguntas sin resolver, razón por la cual este ensayo se centra en la búsqueda de políticas sociales corporativas y su relación con el concepto del codesarrollo, elemento concebido como una nueva alianza para resolver algunos problemas de las naciones como es el efecto de las migraciones internacionales en la estabilidad social. Muchas empresas han definido la Responsabilidad Social como una fuente para cosechar ganancias sociales y cada vez más los gobiernos se han dado cuenta de la manera como se apoyan las políticas públicas basándose en estos conceptos de alcance global. El presente trabajo pretende articular algunos elementos ofrecidos por la historia, la sociología y la ciencia política en la aplicación de las prácticas violentas. Con base en la ayuda de las propuestas de tres autores clásicos como son Tilly, Elias y Weber, se pretende efectuar un análisis sobre el alcance de este principio mediante la ayuda de los elementos conceptuales relevantes y que nos llevan a la consolidación y prevalencia del Estado Moderno. El paso de la Edad media a la Modernidad, estructura una nueva institución que consolida el Estado representativo contemporáneo mediante el ejercicio de la violencia, como son la guerra y el uso de las fuerzas militares vistas como actor fundamental en la construcción de dicho Estado. Así pues, luego de abordar los elementos teóricos que distinguen estas teorías públicas, se pretende ver cómo mediante la aplicación de estas herramientas de poder, se efectúa un análisis académico sobre el alcance de la actividad de los militares en América Latina durante el siglo XX para preservar dicha estabilidad del Estado.
Responsabilidad Social Corporativa es un concepto vibrante que está cambiando las funciones y acciones de los individuos, gobiernos y corporaciones. Hoy en día hay un gran movimiento hacia la implementación de políticas públicas que estimulen nuevas y mejores estrategias para incorporar el tema en la actividad gerencial. El concepto tiene un gran número de preguntas sin resolver, razón por la cual este ensayo se centra en la búsqueda de políticas sociales corporativas y su relación con el concepto del codesarrollo, elemento concebido como una nueva alianza para resolver algunos problemas de las naciones como es el efecto de las migraciones internacionales en la estabilidad social. Muchas empresas han definido la Responsabilidad Social como una fuente para cosechar ganancias sociales y cada vez más los gobiernos se han dado cuenta de la manera como se apoyan las políticas públicas basándose en estos conceptos de alcance global. El presente trabajo pretende articular algunos elementos ofrecidos por la historia, la sociología y la ciencia política en la aplicación de las prácticas violentas. Con base en la ayuda de las propuestas de tres autores clásicos como son Tilly, Elias y Weber, se pretende efectuar un análisis sobre el alcance de este principio mediante la ayuda de los elementos conceptuales relevantes y que nos llevan a la consolidación y prevalencia del Estado Moderno. El paso de la Edad media a la Modernidad, estructura una nueva institución que consolida el Estado representativo contemporáneo mediante el ejercicio de la violencia, como son la guerra y el uso de las fuerzas militares vistas como actor fundamental en la construcción de dicho Estado. Así pues, luego de abordar los elementos teóricos que distinguen estas teorías públicas, se pretende ver cómo mediante la aplicación de estas herramientas de poder, se efectúa un análisis académico sobre el alcance de la actividad de los militares en América Latina durante el siglo XX para preservar dicha estabilidad del Estado.
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the rules that state the law to be applied to international contracts. The author reviews Conflict of Laws established in the Colombian Civil Code and the Colombian Commerce Code, drawing comparisons with conflict rules that have been established in modern international instruments. Such instruments include Regulation (EC) 593/2008 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 17th June 2008 on the law applicable to contractual obligations (Rome I), and the Inter American Convention on the Law Applicable to International Contracts, as well as others that make up the Uniform Law of International Trade such as the UN Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods. Through analysis of the aforementioned comparisons, interpretive guides are suggested that go beyond the inflexibility and gaps in Colombian legislation. It is presented in a way that seeks to aide, in the most helpful way possible, the needs of those involved in international trade. ; El presente artículo tiene por objeto analizar las reglas que determinan la ley aplicable a contratos internacionales. Para ello, el autor revisa las normas de Derecho Internacional Privado consagradas en los Códigos Civil y de Comercio colombianos en comparación con las reglas de conflicto contenidas en instrumentos internacionales modernos como el caso del Reglamento (CE) 593/2008 del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo, de 17 de junio de 2008, sobre la ley aplicable a las obligaciones contractuales (Roma I) y la Convención Interamericana sobre Derecho Aplicable a los Contratos Internacionales, además de otros que conforman el Derecho Uniforme del Comercio Internacional, como la Convención de Naciones Unidas sobre los contratos de Compraventa Internacional de Mercaderías. A partir de dicha comparación propone criterios de interpretación que permitan superar la rigidez y vacíos de las reglas colombianas de manera que estas puedan satisfacer de mejor forma las necesidades de los operadores del comercio internacional.
"Desde que el gas natural superó al carbón en el consumo energético de EE.UU., las emisiones de dióxido de carbono de este país han registrado una disminución. Sin embargo, el auge del gas de esquisto no traspasó las fronteras de Estados Unidos. De hecho, es cuestionable si el gas de esquisto podrá originar un giro radical en las emisiones globales mientras continúe en aumento la demanda mundial de carbón. Considerando el panorama actual, puede esperarse que el gas de esquisto produzca como mucho un impacto climático general mixto, ya que su consumo futuro depende de las decisiones en materia de políticas ambientales y energéticas de Estados Unidos y otros países. La evolución de los mercados internacionales también está signada por la incertidumbre. El alcance político del apogeo del gas natural en Estados Unidos confronta la política clímatica en Europa y en todo el mundo con nuevos e inesperados desafíos." Autorenreferat)
*This series is the result of an adaptation of a paper presented as part of a seminar on "Theories and Research in International Relations" at Hebrew University, July 2012. Commentaries are welcome to daniel.wajner@mail.huji.ac.il Controversial discussions about the nature of Power have characterized the study of Social Sciences, in general, and International Relations (IR) in particular. This seems logic - if we consider politics as a "game", their "participants" tend to develop a range of "skills", which allow them to assume different "roles", influencing thus in the "results". Thus, understanding the mechanisms by which this whole process ("the game") operates is intrinsic to the analysis of the outcomes, what explains why the revision of the concept of power has always been especially popular, including in recent times.Throughout this series we will review some academic approaches to the concept of power and its implementation in international politics. We will present in this first article the debates on the ontology of power (generally referred as "the faces of power"), and the ways in which this influenced the theoretical divisions in IR.In a second article we will introduce epistemological approaches, leading to controversies on the mechanisms involved in the activation of power and its dimensions (such as today's mantra "hard vs. soft power"). Finally, we will deal in a third article with some methodological schemes for Power Analysis in IR, while indicating areas for possible innovation using cases of the "Arab Spring" as illustrations.Power, Powerful, Powerless: The Ontological DebateThe first ontological debate around the concept of power could be placed in the dispute between those who address it as an interaction and those who understand it as a resource.To this end, Weber constitutes our first station. He identifies power in a relationship as the ability to control the behavior of others, even against its will. Weber is focused on the context of that relationship (one's position vis-à-vis others), which determines the capacity of empowerment.1That led him to approach the topic of legitimacy by dividing between power (Macht) and authority (herrschaft, i.e. legitimate power), issue that will be reminded in next articles.Against Weber's integral approach came out Dahl with his renowned definition: "A has power over B, if A gets B do something that B would not otherwise do", which installed "officially" the controversy in political sciences on how power is operated. According to Dahl, that "something" must be based in a change of behavior produced by an observable act - possible to analyze and be measured. His attention was centered on the characteristics of the material resources (their Base, Means, Amount and Scope) and how they are utilized to get certain effects; however, power is still conceptualized as a relationship, since what needs to be clearly discernible is the conflict, the interaction. Non-observable acts, according to Dahl, should be included in a different concept, such as Influence.2The Realist tradition in IR, as well as many scholars in the Liberal tradition, adopted Dahl's definition as a starting point for their analysis on Power Relationships, and even went one step forward. They saw the context as secondary, since certain power bases are so critical that do not really depend on circumstances or specific nature of interaction. Consequently, for classical realists as Carr, Morgenthau and Aron, the military force is "that" observable act which represents the power of the actors (albeit in most of the cases the economic resources were a prerequisite, as explain Berenskoetter and Williams).3Against that mainstream idea, some scholars battled in the sixties and seventies by presenting two approaches which became popularly known as The Second Face of Power and The Third Face of Power. It is important to note that both approaches emerge from this ontological debate on "what is power?", but their main implications would be on the epistemological discussion on "how do we study power relations?", which helped to the development of Critical and Constructivist research programs, as we will see in the next article.In the first approach, Bachrach and Baratz argue that not always a concrete change in behavior needs to be detected to confirm the existence of a conflict in Power Relationships; it could be expressed through the "mobilization of bias", an "unmeasurable element".4 In the second approach, Lukes went beyond that idea and expressed that the mere existence of conflict is not a condition; in other words, the absence of conflict do not necessarily indicate the absence of Power Relationships.5 Lukes, as a neo-marxist building on Gramsci, introduced the structural sphere of the concept of Power. Powerful and powerless agents are characterized in function of their ability to shape the system through culture and education, which will determine the interests of the actors. Foucalt and Bourdieu, with their vision of Knowledge-as-Power6 and Symbolic Power7 , respectively, went in the same direction.More recently, a similar ontological debate could be found in terms of Power Over-Power To, presented by Barnett and Duvall. In the first one, they define power as "the capacity of the actor to determine his own actions", so the perspective is based on the actor itself; by contrast, in the second one a Power Relationship is needed.8 In that sense, the famous article of Nye about Soft Power, which would be broadly approached in the following articles, builds also on this issue - power could be understood as "the ability to get the outcomes one wants" (in the form of Power-To), but also as "the ability to influence the behaviors of others to get the outcomes one wants." (in the form of Power-Over)9.1 Max Weber, Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology. (California: University of Berkeley, 1978. Edited by Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich).2Robert A. Dahl, "The concept of Power", Behavioral Science 2(3), July 1957, 201-2153Felix Berenskoetter and Michael .J. Williams. Power in World Politics. (NYC: Routledge, 2007), p.64Peter Bachrach and Morton S. Baratz. "Two Faces of Power". The American Political Science Review 56 No4 (December 1962), 947-9525Stephen Lukes, "Power and the Battle for Hearts and Minds", Millennium, 33, No3 (2005), 477-4936Michael Foucalt, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-77 (Brighton: Havester, 1980)7Pierre Bourdieu, Language & Symbolic Power (NYC : Polity Press, 2001)8Michael Barnett and Raymond Duvall, "Power in International Politics," International Organization 59, No1, (Winter 2005), p. 469Joseph S. Nye, Soft Power- The Means to Success in World Politics (NYC: PublicAffairs, 2004), p.2 Fabian Daniel Wajner is a Research and Teaching Assistant at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Department of International Relations) and a Fellow of the Liweranth Center for Latin America Studies.
*This series is the result of an adaptation of a paper presented as part of a seminar on "Theories and Research in International Relations" at Hebrew University, July 2012. Commentaries are welcome to daniel.wajner@mail.huji.ac.il In the first article of this series we have introduced the debates on the ontology of power and the ways in which these debates have influenced the theoretical divisions in International Relations (IR). In this second article we will present the main epistemological approaches of the different paradigms, leading to controversies on the mechanisms involved in the activation of power and its dimensions.Mechanisms of Power: different theoretical approachesOur first step is to address the questions "how power is activated" and "how power proceeds once it is activated". Scholars of diverse backgrounds proposed different approaches to answer those questions, leading us to the possibility of dealing with the controversies around the epistemology of power.According to the realist tradition, as explained previously, the regular way by which actors operate to assert control over the others and the system is coercion. Through the manipulation of material resources (either via sanctions or inducements), an actor could generate changes in the other's actor conduct even in contrary of their interests. As main representatives of the neo-realist paradigm, Waltz and Mearsheimer went one step forward when they affirmed that the distribution of military capabilities constitutes the best measurable expression of power1; and consequently, that the display of alterations in capabilities is what explains the main changes in decision-making.However, most of the neo-realists tend to accept another way to activate power that is based on the concept of socialization. Although renowned for being "mentioned" by Waltz himself, the concept is in fact developed by other scholars, among them Ikenberry and Kupchan, who move large away from Waltz. They explain the mechanisms and conditions of socialization using the neorealist scheme but, unlike Waltz, Ikenberry and Kupchan incorporate the "normative" element as "a different aspect of power" which guides the state's behavior.2 Moreover, they assume a pseudo-liberal perspective on the role of specific agents (elites) in providing systemic change, undermining the unitary actor assumption and thus abandoning the structuralist approach that neo-realists have usually adopted.Ikenberry and Kupchan seek to describe how hegemonic powers have a tendency to activate processes of socialization, through which secondary countries internalize the norms of the hegemon. According to them, socialization occurs primarily when countries suffer the fragmentation of internal coalitions (especially after wars and political crisis), stimulating certain elites to embrace the norms that the hegemon is articulating. If the receptivity and realignment of the elites is linked with coercive power, norms could be consolidated as well as the policies in line with them (albeit this order may vary depending on whether the socialization is carried through normative persuasion, external inducement or internal reconstruction).3 It is important to note that this is a "one-player" argument; the authors say little about "real" cases - where there are many candidates to hegemony and the socialization processes are "in competition". This appears as a very interesting research agenda for the future.The eighties and nineties developed other interesting realist approaches who explore ideational elements in power analysis. One of them is the Krasner's approach on institutional power, which consists of a "metapower" that has indirect control over outcomes by changing the setting of the confrontation.4 Baldwin went also in that direction by embedding what he called the paradox of unrealized power, in which the will of using the power is a resource by itself.5 Likewise, Walt´s theory about the balance of threat adds aggressive intentions as a main variable, what makes power not a function of material resources but of inter-subjective factors.6 The three went clearly beyond neorealist assumptions.Of course the incorporation of normative elements to analyze power relationships did not only emerge in the realist tradition, but also in the liberal one, the natural candidate. The most famous liberal twist came recently from Nye's soft power concept.7 Accepting coercion" and inducement as two relevant forms of displaying power, Nye suggests co-opting as "a third dimension of power" which affects behavior without being commanded through threats or payments, but through attracting with indirect resources (such as values, culture and policies). This "soft" version of power, argues the prestigious scholar, becomes crucial in a global information era in which "winning hearts and minds" matters more and more; an era in which hard sower and soft power are required to be connected (in what he calls smart power) in order to enable the legitimate use of power, as the war in Irak showed to the United States.Is not casual that Nye writes from a (North)American perspective in a period of time in which their legitimacy was so questioned; anyhow, his concept was rapidly attributed to other situations. Despite the popularity of Nye's scheme, the theoretical contribution is still weak. As Guzzini argued years before, it is clear that "power alone is not what we are looking for"8- what is lacking is an approach that could address the causal mechanisms of the different types of power and could identify their devices once they are activated.Guzzini himself will provide an answer to that challenge, by recommending the separation of the two types of power structural power and interactionist power in two different concepts: governance and power.9 Citing economical-rationalist terms, this new dyadic conceptualization examines the interactions between systemic rules (market constraints) and the decisions of the agents (strategic behaviors), in a power analysis. As a constructivist, Guzzini sustains that in this (inter-subjective) relationship of power, the actors change interests and identities, stressing the value of legitimate power (authority) in enabling "a widing realm of possible (in political action)".10 Despite Guzzini paved the way to other constructivist approaches11, he still leaves us with the confusion between the two different stages of the argumentative chain: the first one based on the agent-structure distinction, and the second one on the material-ideal division.Barnett and Duvall would release us from that confusion by presenting their taxonomy of four dimensions of power.12 It combines the two variables presented above with different names; on one side, the expression of the power (actor's interactions vs. structural constitution), and on the other side the specificity of the power relations (direct connection vs. diffuse relation).13 The analytic combination leads us to four types in which power operates: compulsory, institutional, structural and productive. Therefore, while in a simultaneous power analysis, one side would explain what is "possible" (closer to the Compulsory corner), the other one would explain what is "legitimate-desirable" (closer to the Productive corner).14Once this has been approached, the next challenge consists of transferring these theoretical understanding to a methodological scheme for power analysis in IR. This will be addressed on the next and last part of the series.1 John Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great power Politics (NYC: Norton, 2001); Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics. (NYC: McGraw-Hill, 1979)2 John G. Ikenberry and Charles A. Kupchan, "Socialization and hegemonic power", International Organization 44, No3 (Summer 1990), p. 284.3 Ibid., p. 290-2914Stephen D. Krasner, "Regimes and the Limits of Realism: Regimes as Autonomous Variables", International Organization 36 (Spring 1982), 497-5105 David A. Baldwin, Paradoxes of Power (NYC: Basil Blackwell, 1989).6 Stephen Walt, The Origins of Alliances (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987)7 Joseph S. Nye, Soft Power- The Means to Success in World Politics.8 Stefano Guzzini, "Structural power: the limits of neorealist power analysis", International Organization 47, No3 (Summer 1993), p.478.9 Ibid.,, p.471.10 Stefano Guzzini, "Structural power: the limits of neorealist power analysis", p.477.11 In that sense, Hurd presents a similar conclusion to pose legitimacy as an ordering principle at IR, building also on Weber´s approach at the beginning. Another concept that might be reminded in constructivist literature is Risse´s "normative power", that although lacks the "material side", it contributed to highlight the devices of the "logic of truth-seeking arguing" (considered as "the power of the better argument").12 Michael Barnett and Raymond Duvall, "Power in International Politics", 48-57.13 Although is true that Barnett-Duvall do not present this as hard power vs. soft power, with the examples given it is possible to infer that applies a similar logic.14 Ibid., p.44. Fabian Daniel Wajner is a Research and Teaching Assistant at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Department of International Relations) and a Fellow of the Liweranth Center for Latin America Studies.
