During the Cold War, the Philippines was an indispensable US ally, and this was still basically the case at the turn of the 21st century. However, the inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte in June 2016 heralded great changes for the international position of the Philippines: a shift towards China and Russia occurred, followed by the emergence of a more balanced foreign policy. The partnership with the US has changed, too: during the Obama administration, the relationship between the two countries became cooler, although the foundations of the alliance were never contested. In the wake of Donald Trump's assumption of office in January 2017, the alliance seems to have become as strong as before, and economic as well as security-military cooperation has continued. The author's aim is to analyze the Philippines' position in the US-led world order from 1945 to the present, as well as the foundations of the United States–Philippines special relationship. After that the main components of Duterte's "independent" foreign policy and the fundamental changes in the Philippines' foreign relations are presented. The analysis focuses on the causes of the conflict at the end of Barack Obama's presidency, followed by the improving partnership during the Trump era and the main geopolitical challenges the alliance has had to face. According to its conclusion the US–Philippines security cooperation will remain strong under Presidents Duterte and Trump due to strategic considerations, which indicate the military alliance is in the interests of both nations.
It was sixteen years ago that recommendations and guidelines were worked out by the FAO/WHO about pre- and probiotics for professionals, industry and consumers (Pineiro and Ben Embarek, 2006). In the developed countries, conscious nutrition, health preservation and disease prevention are increasingly emphasized. In Regulation (EC) No 1831/2003 in the EU has forbidden the use of antibiotics in animal feed as a stimulant for growth. As a result of this decision, the research of health-preserving, disease-preventing products developed rapidly both in the food and feed industries. In order to avoid misuse of prebiotic and probiotic terms, it is necessary to regulate precisely the description of the products. Regulation (EU) 258/97/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council is the first time that the concept of novel foods and food ingredients was introduced. This is the regulation that for the time deals with the introduction of microorganism as food ingredient into the food chain. Pre- and probiotics are present in the food and feed industry due to their beneficial effects on the body, so the regulation of the two areas in many cases merges. A good example is Regulation (EC) 178/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council, which provides both food, feed, safety conditions and also human and veterinary aspects. Food safety is an important issue for all countries in the world. Every country have an authority to made regulation within this important area, for example the EFSA in EU, the GRAS qualification in USA, the FOSHU category in Japan and the food safety regulation system in Canada. The ISAPP is an international scientific committee, who make guidelines about the usage of pre- and probiotics. This work provides insight to the EU's and other countries' food law regulations. ; Tizenhat éve születtek meg a szakemberek, az ipar és a fogyasztók számára a FAO/WHO által készített ajánlások és irányelvek a pre- és probiotikumokról (Pineiro és Ben Embarek, 2006). Mindemellett a fejlett országokban egyre nagyobb társadalmi hangsúlyt kap a tudatos táplálkozás, az egészségmegőrzés és a betegségmegelőzés. Továbbá a 1831/2003/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendeletben a Tudományos Operatív Bizottság betiltotta az antibiotikumok hozamfokozó céllal történő felhasználását a takarmányokban. A döntés hatására rohamos fejlődésnek indult az antibiotikum kiváltására szolgáló, egészségmegőrző, betegség megelőző hatással bíró készítmények kutatása az élelmiszer- és takarmányiparban egyaránt. A prebiotikus és probiotikus fogalommal való visszaélés elkerülésének érdekében pontos szabályozásra van szükség a termékek leírására vonatkozóan. Az (EU) 258/97/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendeletben jelenik meg első alkalommal az új élelmiszer és az új élelmiszer-összetevő fogalma. Ez a rendelet az, amely első ízben foglalkozik a mikroorganizmusok, mint élelmiszeralkotók élelmiszerláncba kerülésével. A pre- és probiotikumok a szervezetre gyakorolt jótékony hatásuknak köszönhetően jelen vannak az élelmiszer- és takarmányiparban egyaránt, így a két terület szabályozása sok esetben összeolvad. Erre jó példa a 178/2002/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendelet, amely egyaránt rendelkezik az élelmiszerellátásról, takarmányozásról, ezek biztonsági feltételeiről valamint humán és állategészségügyi aspektusokról. Az élelmiszerbiztonság a világ minden országában fontos tényező. Minden ország rendelkezik olyan hatósággal, amelynek feladata az ide vonatkozó szabályok megteremtése, betartatása, felülvizsgálata. Az EU-ban az EFSA által hozott rendeletek, az USA-ban a GRAS minősítés, Japánban a FOSHU kategóriára vonatkozó rendelkezések, míg Kanadában az élelmiszereket érintő biztonsági értékelési rendszer. Az International Scientific Association of Probiotics and Prebiotics (ISAPP) pedig egy olyan nemzetközi tudományos társaság, amely segít a pre- és probiotikumok használatára vonatkozó tudományos szakvélemények megalkotásában. Jelen áttekintés segít bepillantást nyerni az EU és más országok élelmiszer- és takarmányjogi szabályozásának rendszerébe és azok kialakulásába.
This working paper investigates public policies that precede the rise of populism. A mixedmethod research design is applied: on the one hand, we use data from international surveys and databanks to explore the policy–populism nexus from a comparative European perspective. On the other hand, country case studies have been prepared to understand the country-specific historical and socio-economic features of populism and its potential policy roots. Four countries were selected as national case studies: two EU member states (Greece and Hungary) because of a strong, long-term support of populist parties; one EU member state (Lithuania), where support of populist parties remain moderate, although historical and socio-economic features suggest a likely rise of populism; and one country (Turkey) that exhibits the potential hybridization tendencies of populism and the role of policies in the shift from democratic towards authoritarian regimes. We found that the content of policies were weak predictors of the rise of populism. Country-specific measures were more important predictors than policy ideas. At the same time, our results demonstrate that the lack of activation policies may be a strong predictor of welfare populist attitudes of citizens, and the exclusion of a significant proportion of young people from the labour market clearly feeds populist attitudes. Another important finding is that crisis management policies matter, but not the socio-economic crisis in itself: the management of crisis by non-elected policy experts, through technocratic governance methods, will likely trigger populism. This is particularly true in societies where political polarization is high
In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia. ; In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia.
During the past centuries many great philosophers and statesmen dreamt about the possible constitutional scope of exceeding Europe's political division and fulfilling the unified/united Europe. Most conceptions outlined the practical realization at a supranational level, although in the last decades there has been a greater emphasis on the sub-national (regional, micro-regional) level or else the "multi-level" Europe. Considering its scientific importance there has been less mention of the importance of the local, regional networks, however, their functionality –in the form of sister town connections –has been experienced by many towns in Hungary. In my thesis I intended to shed light on the fact that the sistertown connections –if being able to overstep the mayors and the local authorities' protocol meetings -and it can be the pledge of their viability, take a prominent part in framing the "bottom up" Europe. The personal, civil relationships, the common interests and the solutions to collective problems may all lead to a continuity in the increasingly "multigeared" European integration. In order to present the subject matter I selected the analysis of sister town connections related to the county town, Zalaegerszeg. My research questions were as follows: to what extent the sister town connection of Zalaegerszeg has changed in terms of geographical and content orientation, what elements of networking, independent from any political orientation, have been used, how the intensity fluctuation of the connections can be explained. The conclusion of my research is that the citizens, the civil organisations and the local authority of Zalaegerszeg, whose number of sister towns –fourteen –is greater than the Hungarian average, build their sister town connections in a conscious way, meanwhile integrating them functionally and successfully at a local level into the network of international connections.
Der Artikel beschäftigt sich mit der Lage der ungarischen Minderheiten in den Nachbarländern Ungarns. Die Problematik der Loyalität einerseits zu dem Staat dessen Bürger sie sind und andererseits zu ihrem Mutterland wird erörtert. Die Außenpolitik Ungarns in Bezug auf die Minderheitenfrage wird ebenfalls behandelt. (SOI-Gal)
A doktori dolgozat központi kutatási kérdése a következőképpen határozható meg: miként érvényesül az azonos nemű párok elismerésére vonatkozó normatív egyenlőségi követelmény Magyarországon? A disszertáció az azonos nemű párok elismerését és az egyenlő házasság kérdését szociológiai, jogi és történeti szempontok alapján vizsgálja. A disszertáció öt fejezetből áll. A bevezetés meghatározza a disszertáció kereteit. A második fejezet azt vizsgálja, hogy mi a házasság és hogy a házasság jointézménye miként hozható összhangba az egyenlőség normatív követelményével. A dolgozat a Martha C. Nussbaum által képviselt képességszemléletű felfogás (a házasság jogi és expresszív aspektusai) és a kantiánus alapú dworkini egyenlőségfelfogás (egyenlően és egyenlőként kezelés követelménye) alapján határozza meg az irányadó egyenlőségi mércét. Ez az egyenlőségi mérce szolgál alapul ahhoz, hogy a harmadik és a negyedi fejezet elemezze és értékelje a releváns nemzetközi emberi jog dokumnetumokból, illetve európai bírósági döntésekből (az Európai Unió Bírósága és az Emberi Jogok Európai Bírósága) következ őnemzetközi kötelezettségeket, valamint a magyarországi jogfejlődést. A konklúzió összefoglalja a kutatás eredményeit. A disszertáció különböző módszertani megközelítéseket ötvöz annak érdekében, hogy átfogó képet adjon a kutatási kérdésről: egyrészt jogi szempontból normatív elemző, másrészt diskurzív, hamradrészt empirikus.
