Search results

V okviru aktualnih procesov v mednarodni skupnosti je mogoče opaziti večje poudarjanje vloge nedržavnih akterjev v tradicionalnih državocentričnih oblikah vladanja. Aktivnosti slednjih so zaznane na področju problematike, povezane z oskrbo z globalnimi okoljskimi dobrinami. Magistrsko delo poskuša ovrednotiti vlogo nedržavnih akterjev, natančneje mednarodnih nevladnih okoljskih organizacij (MNVOO) v okviru mednarodnih okoljskih režimov, saj lahko aktivnosti MNVOO kritično vplivajo na učinkovito delovanje režimov samih. Predmet proučevanja je vpliv MNVOO v državocentričnih mednarodnih okoljskih režimih, primarni cilj pa je ovrednotenje vpliva MNVOO na spremembe v teh režimih. Vplive MNVOO bomo ovrednotili skozi zrcalo treh teoretskih perspektiv mednarodnih režimov. S podrobnejšo analizo Evropske unije kot pomembnega akterja mednarodnega režima za boj proti podnebnim spremembam, konkretno njenega sistema za trgovanje z emisijami (EU ETS), – in s to analizo povezanimi odzivi evropskih MNVOO na delovanje EU ETS – bomo dosegali cilj magistrskega dela. Ugotovitve pokažejo, da je vloga MNVOO v fazi oblikovanja mednarodnih okoljskih režimov manj pomembna kot v fazi implementacije. Realizem se pokaže kot najprimernejša teoretska perspektiva v fazi oblikovanja mednarodnih okoljskih režimov, saj ti kažejo posledice strukturnega izražanja moči med državami. Ker liberalizem poudarja pomen večjega vključevanja nevladnih akterjev v fazi implementacije mednarodnih režimov, se ta teoretska perspektiva izkaže kot najbolj primerna za obravnavo izbranega mednarodnega okoljskega režima. Liberalizmu se pridruži šibkejši kognitivizem, saj temelji na medsebojnem učenju ter delitvi informacij. ; Within the current processes of the contemporary international community, academic research observes a greater emphasis being placed on the role of international non-state actors in generally state-centered forms of governance. Their activities are manifested in the field of problems related to the supply of global environmental goods. This master's thesis aims to evaluate the role of non-state actors, (i.e. environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs)) in internationalenvironmental regimes (IERs), as ENGOs' activities can significantly contribute to a more effective operation of IERs. Thesis seeks to examine the impact of ENGOs on IERs, whereby its primary goal is to assess the actual ENGOs' influence on changes within state-centric IERs. ENGOs influence will be evaluated through the lens of three theoretical perspectives on international regimes. The set goal will be achived through detailed analysis of the European Union – and its emissions trading system (EU ETS), respectively – as one of the leading players within the international climate change regime – and through associated response of European ENGOs on EU ETS. Thesis shows that ENGOs play greater role at the IERs implementation phase in comparison to IERs formation phase. Realism proves to be the most applicable theoretical perspective at the IERs formation phase, as newly established IERs demonstrate structural power relations between the states. Placing greater emphasis on the ENGOs involvement at the IERs implementation phase, liberalism attests to be the most suitable theoretical perspective for this master's thesis case study. Being based on mutual learning and information sharing, liberalism is joined by weak cognitivism.

Erasmus+ je program Evropske Unije (EU) na področju izobraževanja, usposabljanja, mladine in športa, ki omogoča mednarodno učno mobilnost. Tako Evropska komisija kot akademski strokovnjaki velikokrat navajajo Erasmus+ za uspešen primer evropske integracije in kot spodbujevalec evropske identitete. To magistrsko delo s pomočjo interpretativne paradigme poskuša osvetliti presečišče med teorijo evropskih integracij, vrednotenjem programa Erasmus+ in osmišljanjem evropske identitete. Analiza EU dokumentov je pokazala, da termin evropska identiteta izrazito nekonsistentno uporabljen znotraj upravljavskih organov EU. Poleg tega se je pomen evropske identitete, kakor jo je navzven predstavljala Skupnost, od sedemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja naprej izrazito spreminjal. Prvotni zunanje-politični pomen je zamenjalo vrednotenje evropske identitete v odnosu do nacionalne države. Raziskave na področju vplivov programa Erasmus+ (oziroma mednarodne mobilnosti) na izgradnjo evropske identitete sicer prinašajo zelo različne rezultate, skoraj vse pa pesti problem metodološkega nacionalizma. Učinki programa Erasmus+ so sicer pozitivni, vendar težko ovrednoteni, saj so se od začetkov programa leta 1987 do danes drastično spreminjali. Opazna je neoliberalna logika prostega pretoka delovne sile v smislu spodbujanja mednarodne mobilnosti in posledično izgrajevanja konkurenčnega trga delovne sile na katerem štejejo kompetence posameznika/ posameznice. ; Erasmus+ is the European Union's (the EU) programme in the fields of education, training, youth and sport, which enables international learning mobility. Both the European Commission and academic experts often cite Erasmus+ as a successful example of European integration and as a facilitator of a European identity. This thesis seeks to illuminate the intersection between the theory of European integration, the evaluation of the Erasmus + programme and European identity. This is done with interpretive paradigm. An analysis of the EU' documents has shown that the term European identity is used in a highly inconsistent way within the EU's bodies. In addition, the meaning of European identity, as initially represented by the Community, has changed markedly since the 1970s. The original meaning reflected the foreign policy aspirations of the Community ; later this was replaced with the emphasis of European identity in relation to the nation-state. Research in the field of measuring the impact of the Erasmus+ programme (or international mobility) on the construction of the European identity brings a variety of results. The common problem of such research is the one of methodological nationalism. The effects of the Erasmus+ programme are positive, but difficult to evaluate, as they have changed drastically since the beginning of the programme in 1987. The neoliberal logic behind the free movement of labour is noticeable, especially in the light of boosting international mobility to create a competitive labour market, where one's competencies are all that matters.

Evropska unija (EU) je Bosni in Hercegovini (BiH) obljubila podpis stabilizacijsko-pridružitvenega sporazuma pod pogojem, da BiH prestrukturira svoj razdrobljen policijski sistem po treh načelih EU, ki predvidevajo centralizirano in enotno policijo. Ker pa policije v različnih državah članicah EU niso vedno centralizirane, so lokalni akterji izkoristili argument neenotnih standardov pri upravičevanju odpora do predvidene reforme. V magistrskem delu raziskujem razsežnosti učinkov, ki jih ima odsotnost skupnega normativnega okvira na prizadevanja mednarodne organizacije po prenosu norm v tretje države. Raziskava temelji na preseku teoretskih sklopov reforme varnostnega sektorja¬ ter prenosa norm ; skozi to prizmo analiziram pristop EU k reformi varnostnega sektorja ter študijo primera reforme policije v BiH, z modelom zunanjih spodbud pa učinke neenotnih standardov v državah članicah EU na to reformo. Foucaultovski pristop k fenomenu prenosa norm omogoča, da proces pogojevanja razumemo kot dinamično in kompleksno razmerje moči med EU in lokalnimi akterji. Ugotavljam, da lahko odpor lokalnih akterjev do prenosa norm resno ošibi moč EU, kadar ta ne temelji na močnih normativnih temeljih. V primeru reforme policije v BiH je visoki predstavnik za BiH, avtor treh načel EU, zanemaril, da EU pri svojem zunanjem delovanju nastopa kot normativna moč. Ob odsotnosti normativnega okvirja, torej odsotnosti enotnih standardov na področju policije, pa je bila moč EU ohromljena, posledica tega pa je bila neuspešna reforma policije v BiH. ; The reform of a fragmented police system according to three European Union (EU) principles, which foresee a centralized and unified police force, was set as a condition by the EU to sign the Stabilization and Association Agreement with Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). However, as the police in the different EU Member States are not always centralized, local actors have used the argument of divergent standards to justify their resistance to the envisaged reform. This Master's thesis effects of the absence of a common normative framework within an international organization on the norm diffusion to a third country. The research is based on the convergence of theories dealing with security sector reform and norm transfer. Through such a lens, I analyse the EU approach to security sector reform and contextualise it via the study of police reform in BiH. The Foucault's approach to norm transfer understands the process of conditionality as a dynamic and complex power relation between the EU and local actors. Findings show that genuine resistance from local actors can seriously undermine the EU's normative power when the latter is not based on strong normative foundations. In the case of police reform in BiH, the author of the three EU principles – the High Representative for BiH – neglected the EU's role of normative power in its external action. The absence of a normative framework, in this case, the absence of harmonized standards regarding policing undermined the power of the EU and resulted in the failure of police reform in BiH.

Through the public procurement rules, protection of competition, equality of choice & transparency of the procedure in relationships between the public & private sectors are provided, to the greatest extent possible, in the EU rules. All the contractual relationships between the public & private sectors cannot be subject to strict & formal rules on public procurement primarily due to the special nature of business operations, complexity & duration of the relationships. Concessions or public-private partnerships of a concessionary nature are excluded from the legal regime that applies to public procurement. This paper analyses the contractual relationships of the concessionary nature & the EU efforts for ensuring a certain degree of equal treatment of private partners entering into public-private partnerships. Adapted from the source document.

Po terorističnih napadih Al Kaide v Združenih državah Amerike septembra 2001 se je dojemanje varnostni in groženj mednarodne skupnosti povsem spremenilo. Varnostni svet Organizacije združenih narodov je že dan po terorističnih napadih sprejel Resolucijo 1368 (2001), ki opredeli napade kot oborožen napad na Združene države Amerike in kot ogrožanje mednarodnega miru in mednarodne varnosti. Nepredvidljivo in spremenjeno varnostno okolje v svetu je zahtevalo takojšen odziv. Mednarodna skupnost kot vir ogrožanja identificira Afganistan. Še isto leto so z mandatom Organizacije združenih narodov vzpostavljene Mednarodne sile za pomoč v Afganistanu, katerih vodenje leta 2003 prevzame zveza Nato. Misijo, ki se je zaključila konec 2014, v letu 2015 nadomesti nebojna svetovalna Misija Odločna podpora in se izvaja še danes. Odziv na sodobne grožnje države rešujejo v medsebojnih zavezništvih ter delovanju v mednarodnih operacijah in misijah. Članstvo Republike Slovenije v zvezi Nato je prineslo obveznost izpolnjevanja zavez, ki so bile podane v pristopnem obdobju ter kasneje članstvu. Kot polnopravna članica poleg tega sodeluje v procesu oblikovanja in izvajanja varnostnih in obrambno političnih smernic. Republika Slovenija svoje obveznosti v Zavezništvu izpolnjuje tudi s sodelovanjem v mednarodnih operacijah in misijah, kot so Nato-vodene mednarodne operacije in misije v Afganistanu, kjer sodeluje od leta 2004. Vloga obveščevalno varnostnih služb pred napotitvijo, v času delovanja ter po zaključku delovanja slovenskih pripadnikov v Nato-vodenih operacijah je izjemno pomembna in ena od najbolj učinkovitih oblik zaščite lastnih sil. Ob upoštevanju omejenih resursov je mednarodno sodelovanje Republike Slovenije ključno pri zagotavljanju tovrstne podpore v Afganistanu. ; After the Al Qaeda terrorist attacks in the United States of America in September 2001, the perception of the security and threats of the international community has completely changed. A day after the terrorist attacks, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1368 (2001) defining attacks as an armed attack on the United States and as a threat to the international peace and international security. An unpredictable and changed security environment demanded an immediate response in the world. The international community identifies Afghanistan as a source of threat. In the same year, under the United Nations mandate, the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan was established and transformed in NATO-led mission in 2003. The mission that concluded at the end of 2014 was replaced today's ongoing by non-combat advisory Resolute Support Mission in the beginning of 2015. When responding to the modern threats countries develops mutual alliances and work together in international operations in missions. With membership in NATO, the Republic of Slovenia assumed responsibility for fulfilling the commitments made during the accession period in later on as a member of Alliance. As an Ally is involved in the process of designing and implementing security and defence policy guidelines. The Republic of Slovenia also fulfils its commitments in the Alliance by participating in international operations on missions such as NATO-led international operations in the mission in Afghanistan, where it has been participating since 2004. The role of intelligence security services before the deployment, during the operation and after the deployment is extremely important and is one of the most effective forms of force protection. Taking into account limited resources, the international cooperation is crucial for the Republic of Slovenia in providing such support in Afghanistan.