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This article critiques Open Marxism for an ontology which totalises human social practice-for Open Marxists, capitalist social relations are the singular constitutive source of human activity. Such a stance is superficially attractive yet ultimately inadequate, and I reinforce my case by demonstrating how other critical approaches - in this article, Foucauldian perspectives on power - suffer from similar deficiencies. Thusthere is a need to resist the temptation of claiming to know how human social practice can be understood with recourse to a singular aspect (no matter how important) of such practice. I conclude that an excellent example of how to avoid such pitfalls is provided by Antonio Gramsci's writings, for they acknowledge the multifaceted yet nevertheless anchored existence lived by humans in capitalist societies. © Journal compilation © 2009 Political Studies Association and Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

Although much research has been done on the existence and formation of risk and issue based health policies, there is only little insight in health policy development processes in a broader context. This hampers intervention in these policy processes to adequately develop integrated and effective health policies. Legislation in the Netherlands requires municipalities to develop and implement local health policies. These policies are supposed to aim at the promotion of health across sectors and with a strong community involvement. Health policy development processes have been studied in four Dutch municipalities. For each case, we identified a range of stakeholders and monitored the change or stability of their characteristics over 3 years. In addition, for each case, three overlaying maps of networks were made addressing communication and collaboration actions within the defined set of stakeholders. We point out a number of barriers which impede integrated policy development at the local level: the importance given to local health policy, the medical approach to health development, the organizational self-interest rather than public health concern, the absence of policy entrepreneurial activity. Furthermore, this article advocates the use of complementary theoretical frameworks and the expansion of the methodological toolbox for health promotion. The value of stakeholder and network analysis in the health promotion domain, at this stage, is two-fold. First, mapping relevant actors, their positions and connections in networks provides us with insight into their capacity to participate and contribute to health policy development. Second, these new tools contribute to a further understanding of policy entrepreneurial roles to be taken up by health promotion professionals and health authorities in favour of the socio-environmental approach to health. Notwithstanding the value of this first step, more research is required into both the practical application as well as in the theoretical connections with, for example, ...

The paper holds a critical discussion of the Habermasian model of the public sphere and proposes a revised model of a general public

Without a doubt agriculture sector is vital part of modern Ukrainian economy. Agriculture is ranked 3rd largest contributor to the national GDP with approx. 17% in 2018 (compared to 14.4% in 2016) of total GDP, followed with industrial sector (26.3%) and services sector (59.3%). It should be noted that it is very promising field in terms of potential economic growth and both regional and international investment opportunities. Food products being a necessity in everyday life of every person. Food and processing industries are the large industries that are interconnected to agricultural cultivation. These industries have great potential to increase the value of agricultural products due to the added value, as not raw materials are sold but finished products that can be consumed in the domestic market and exported. Meanwhile the global process of urbanization and changes in national politics, have had their impact on Ukrainian economy. The number of urban populations is continuing to increase, while great number of work force is migrating to neighboring countries. Several studies state that number of Ukrainian workers living aboard is around 2.5 million people. In this context we plan to investigate and build general forecast model on how urbanization is impacting agricultural land use and certain factors of its impact on economic development of region. On the other hand, we have examples of modern issues, such as climate change caused by rapid urbanization and the irrational use of natural resources. The study showed that urban development requires substantial land rescue for its expansion. By examining closely spatial data of urban and suburban areas, for example that of Kyiv city, agricultural land in suburban areas is used for new construction sites and infrastructural development. Another indirect effect of urban development is ecological changes to the surrounding areas. The affected areas become much less suitable for agricultural uses, require large financial investment and high technologies to renew the soil fertility.Research work that have been conducted in this area focused mostly on financial resources, international politics, and large agricultural holdings of agricultural land use. A lot of work has been done to highlight importance of advocating open land market in Ukraine. While other researchers in their research analyzed specific crop or certain agricultural industry markets. In general, the focus of previous publications was either on the current agricultural export or land use data in Ukraine. The goal of this research paper is to find, establish connections between urbanization and agricultural land use, while focusing attention on possibilities for economic growth and development of effective land use policies. This paper will consider open land market as future possibility; however, it is relations and impact with urbanization falls outside of current research work scope.With this research we plan to describe the connection between rapid urbanization process and changes in agricultural land use from economical perspective. The author focuses his research work and economical modeling on case Ukraine. We plan to showcase changes of agricultural enterprise income, in case of population migration to large urban centers. Additionally, we will study the cases of effective land resource management, where we will study whether it is more profitable for companies to establish the new enterprise closer or inside urban areas as opposed to farmland regions. In this research we plan to highlight the major economical differences of company's startup and operations costs based on available transportation network, land resources and local agricultural specialization. The research work should introduce possible outcomes for small, medium companies, also separating those that are part of international corporate structure and local business. The research will cover whether local company can benefit from urbanization and what are its effects on individual famers earnings. One of the expected research outcomes is to describe how to increase added value of agricultural products with focus on city markets.For this study we used data mining and analytics approaches. During research work we placed great emphasis on determining, locating, and analyzing statistical data from multiple sources. Important art of the research work is identifying right data in context of our research, the one that has clear connection to urbanization process. Spatial data visualization was used to determine key urban centers in Ukraine, as well as locations of agricultural, food and processing companies. Other types of material used are official notional statistics data, European Union public reports, U.S. Department of Commerce datasheets, Kyiv city council, Municipal Enterprise "Kyivgenplan", private companies report, economists' publications, and Public cadastral map of Ukraine. Mathematical framework was used to build robust forecast model. The methodology of the study employed various mathematical tools, such as statistical analytics, polynomial and linear approximations, mathematical correlation, ratio analysis. Besides profit and utility curves were used for growth modeling and global forecast. Spatial data have been outlined as highly effective for predictions modeling and establishing connections with the existing urbanization growth models. Urbanization processes serve as catalyst for land use change and shift in economic activities . As more population migrate to urban centers, remote villages and towns shrink in size, lose work force and often local enterprise become bankrupt or shut down. There is a consequent indirect effect of urbanization on agriculture land use that is when local community become poor or bankrupt, the farmlands are rented by large agricultural holdings. Many researchers noted that agricultural holdings have no interest in development of local communities or investment in local business. Even though they employ local people, the average income of holdings farm employees is much lesser, then those farmers whose lands are in private use or those working in agricultural sector in neighboring European Union countries. The average salary is important factor when looking at land use by large companies since agricultural holdings business goals centered about exporting raw resources and they are registered as business entities in offshore countries.The scope of current research works is limited to the analyses of medium to large size food and processing companies, that operate in local Ukrainian market, with brief overview of food products export business. To build economical model the existing transport infrastructure in Ukraine and its neighboring European countries was studied and used in system analyses. Author analyzed available human resources, amount of investments, industry type and available transportation connections. As a part of research work, physical geographical placement (distance by road) of food and processing production companies relative to closest and regional urban center positions have been outlined. A large array of economical and spatial data has been processed. It was determined that parts of this data have low correlation levels, which makes it difficult to include for modeling purposes. Author made decision to make the necessary edits, generalization to simplify the initial economical model.To build a research model we will make the following assumptions and data sets. Let us use the city of Kyiv as the main market for food products, i.e. it is the largest city in Ukraine, with a huge number of food products consumers and significant financial resources. We shall label it as an urban center for this research work. It is important to note that new companies and international corporations choose to establish their business in the Kyiv or in the 50-kilometer zone from it. For modeling we will choose 12 enterprises, which are located both in the capital and in different regions of Ukraine - west, south, east and center. We rank the selected enterprises by the number of employees.In the context of our economic modeling, consider the land market, namely: the average cost of rent of 1 hectare per year, the location of the enterprise in an industrial region or in a separate settlement. Note that the production capacity of the investigated enterprises is concentrated in one production site (complex). However, the exception is the corporation "Milk Alliance" which has 5 separate production facilities, we will focus on the largest of them, located in the city of Yagotyn (others are located in Peratyn, Zolotonosha, Bashtanka).It is reported that the total area of land plots in Ukraine is 60.4 million hectares, of which 42.4 million hectares are agricultural land (32 million hectares are cultivated per year), the area of built-up land plots is 2550.4 thousand hectares. Land for industrial purposes, which includes the food industry is 224.1 thousand hectares. The cost of annual lease of land in Ukraine for 2019 population 3518 UAH/hectare per year.At the same time, the statistics by region are as follows: Kyiv - 2694 UAH per year; Kyiv region - 3474 UAH per year; Zhytomyr and region – 4000 UAH per year; Mykolaiv Oblast – 4103 UAH per year; Kharkiv and oblast – 3152 UAH per year; Odessa region – 4065 UAH per year; Lviv region - 4172 UAH per year; Donetsk oblast - 1832 UAH per year. It is planned that in 2020 the total revenues to local budgets from land rent will amount to 185,714,285 UAH per year.To understand the general picture of the relationship and economic performance of enterprises located in Kyiv and different regions of Ukraine, we shall consider Kyiv as a self-sufficient object, both in terms of products sales and production. The largest food retailers have opened more than 575 stores in Kyiv as of 2018, and more than 60 new stores are opened each year. The production of food, beverages and tobacco by Kyiv enterprises is 46.6% of the total industrial production, which employs 1,730,000 people (7.4% of total in Kyiv), and the average wage in industry is from 16,511 UAH/month in 2019. In total, there are 9069 industrial enterprises in the capital, which employ 278,863 people, the volume of products sold by industrial enterprises of Kyiv in 2019 amounted to 892,1765,46.2 thousand UAH. At the same time, there are 7351 natural persons-entrepreneurs operating in the capital (11,877 people are employed, the volume of sold products is 5,622,011.9 thousand UAH) in industry, including the volume of products sold by food industry enterprises – 125,140,998.9 thousand UAH according to 2019 data.It should be noted that in Kyiv the main industrial capacities of food and processing enterprises are concentrated in the following areas: Industrial zone " Degtyarivska Street" covers an area of 17.7 hectares; Podilsko-Kurenivskyi industrial district - 539.5 hectares, Pirogovo industrial zone - 121.9 hectares; Voskresensky industrial district - 107.2 hectares.For economic analysis we focused on comparison of three large enterprises of Ukraine, typical for the agricultural sector and food industry, one of which is in Kyiv – "Astrata", "Sandora" and "Kyivhlib". For calculations of transportation costs let's use the following data, 20 to 22 tons van will charge 27 UAH per km outside of Kyiv, while 10 tons van charges 20 UAH per km outside of Kyiv and 250 UAH per km within Kyiv.The "Astrata" corpopration, a large agricultural enterprise, has 5,470 employees, 230,000 hectares of land (aprox. 1514090000 UAH per yar for land rent), with Net profit of 12,631,155,000, Gross profit of 2,432,488,000 UAH, and a total salary expenditure of UAH 427,597,000 (average per employee 6514 UAH per month). For our research we are using one of the sugar processing factories that is part of Astrata holding, it is in Hlobyne, Poltavska oblast. The distance from Hlobyne to Kyiv center is 287 km, so it will cost 7749 UAH per large van to transport products to Kyiv.One of the largest food manufacturers in Ukraine is "Sandora". It consists of 3230 employees, total salary expenses - 630 128 thousand UAH (average per employee 16,257 UAH per month), have a land area of 1.3646 hectares (aprox. 5600 UAH per yar for land rent) and a unit cost of production - 22.66 UAH per liter of apple. Single 10-ton van will charge 10020 UAH to transport products to Kyiv (501km distance to the city center).For Kyiv study we picked "Kyivhlib", which has 1911 employees, total salary expenses – 168,227 thousand UAH (average per employee 14,019 UAH per month), have a land area of 8 hectares (aprox. 21552 UAH per yar for land rent) and the unit cost of production - 14.9 UAH per kg of rye-wheat bread. It will cost 7500 UAH to transport products within 30 km of Kyiv center by 10-ton van. Distance from the production location to the market is not always proportional to net profit. The research results have proved that it is worth examining the data from the same sub-industries companies in several regions, with focus on large cities as main market for those companies' products. ; The paper is devoted to studying the economic and social connections between the urbanization process and agricultural land use in Ukraine. It is worth noting that both urbanization and agriculture require new lands for their future development. The important part of this connection is ecology and effective use of the available resources, as well as land use in the context of urbanization. After all, the process of urbanization can have a significant negative impact on the state of land resources. The research work determines which economic factors of urbanization are the most relevant to the land use in city suburbs and agricultural regions. The article introduces the notion of economic feasibility of land use by purpose and studies cases of food and processing companies. Food and processing industries were chosen as the main research subjects since they are the most promising fields for the future economic development of each individual region and country as a whole. These industries are centered around both import and export, besides producing added value products. Cities without a doubt are the main consumers of food products and at the same time, they drain labor resources from the countryside. In this research work, we studied the global situation in Ukraine, how 21-century urbanization has affected the agricultural sector in the country. This sector has experienced rapid growth in past decades, as opposed to industrial and manufacturing sectors, and increased the national wide level of land use. While the national wide level of urbanization might not be the highest in modern history (20th to 21st century), it continues to have a wide impact on the national economy. The scope of this impact falls outside of this research work as it consists of multidimensional data and a wide range of interdependencies, including policies and regulations. Research models require a large amount of data and cases, that's why we focused on the food and processing sector in this paper. They proved to be a good test ground to study the urbanization impact patterns as well as make economical modeling more convenient. In this context, the peculiarities of land use models were studied, as food and processing industries use land resources, can be located both inside the city, suburban area, or in remote farmland region. It is evident that cities and businesses form large supply and demand of natural resources, labor, and financial investments.

학위논문(박사)--서울대학교 대학원 :사범대학 협동과정 글로벌교육협력전공,2020. 2. 유성상. ; 본 연구는 1966년부터 1991년까지 세계교회협의회(World Council of Churches, WCC) 개발국(Commission on the Churches' Participation in Development, CCPD 교회개발참여위원회)의 개발교육 사례를 조사하여 조직의 가치, 개발관, 개발교육 접근방식이 어떻게 형성되고 협상되었는지 보여준다. 그리고 개발교육에 관여하는 종교기반단체(faith-based organization, FBO)로서의 세계교회협의회의 관점을 연구하여 개발교육 분야와 개발교육에 관여하는 종교기반단체에 시사점을 준다. 연구 질문은 다음과 같다: 1966년과 1991년 사이에 세계교회협의회와 개발국은 어떻게 개발 및 개발교육을 개념화하였는가? 하위 질문은 다음과 같다. 세계교회협의회에서 비판적개발교육의 출현에 기여한 내외적 요인은 무엇인가? 어떤 요인이 개발 및 개발교육에 대한 관점의 시기적 변화를 초래했는가? 연구 분석의 개념적 틀을 구축하기 위해 비정부기구(NGO)와 종교기반단체 연구를 참고하였고 개발교육의 역사와 아놀드(1988)와 크라우스(2010의 분류 틀을 분석하여 세계교회협의회와 개발국의 사례에 적용할 개념적 틀을 형성하였다. 개발협력에 대한 관점은 자선(charity), 상호의존성(interdependence), 해방(liberation)으로 확립하였고, 개발교육에 대한 접근방식은 홍보 및 기금조성(promotion and fundraising), 인식 제고(awareness raising), 실천 동원(mobilization), 임파워먼트(empowerment)로 하였다. 이 분석틀을 기반으로 자금, 프로젝트, 정치적 입장, 파트너십, 교육에 관한 다섯 가지 핵심 질문을 도출하였다. 연구 방법으로는 세계교회협의회의 아카이브와 도서관에서 1차 및 2차 문헌 자료를 수집하여 분석하였다. 1966년부터 1970년까지의 1단계에서 세계교회협의회는 경제 성장이라는 개발협력 분야의 주류를 따랐다. 구조적 변화가 필요한 반면 선진국과 개발도상국간의 상호의존과 조화를 전제하였다. 세계교회협의회는 교회와 국가들에게 개발원조를 늘리고 예산의 일부를 기부할 것을 장려했다. 개발교육 사무국은 1968년 세계교회협의회에 결성되어 개발 이슈에 대한 인식을 높이고, 선진국 시민들을 정치적 캠페인에 참여시키고, 국제개발협력에 금전적 기여를 장려하였다. 1970년부터 1975년까지의 2단계에서는 개발도상국의 교회들이 사회정의, 자립, 경제성장의 원칙에 기초하여 선진국의 교회와 보다 동등한 파트너십을 요구하였고 세계교회협의회의 개발국이 결성되었다. 새롭게 회자되었던 종속 이론, 해방 신학, 그리고 파울로 프레이리의 비판적 페다고지의 영향을 받은 개발국은 곧 해방, 민중 운동, 의식화 원리를 바탕으로 네트워킹, 분권화, 실험 전략을 채택했다. 개발교육은 조화로운 상호의존성보다는 갈등이 불가피한 해방적 관점에 바탕을 두었다. 개발교육활동으로는 선진국의 교회 관련 개발협력단체의 개발교육분과 또는 정치 행동 집단과 협력하여 워크샵, 또는 캠페인을 개최하였고 이런 협력 단체에 개발교육 기금을 지원하였다. 1975년부터 1981년까지 3단계에서는 세계교회협의회와 개발국에서 개발 협력에 대한 신학 연구와 회원 교회와의 제휴에 초점을 맞추었다. 세계교회협의회는 "정의롭고, 참여가 보장되며, 지속가능한 사회"(Just, Participatory, and Sustainable Society, JPSS)의 비전을 세우고 냉전시기 비동맹국가들의 신국제경제질서를 지원하였다. 1970년대 후반 개발국의 "가난한 자들의 교회"연구는 교회의 발전 참여의 신학적 토대를 만들었다. 그러나 협의회의 교회들은 개발국과 협의회의 정치적 행동을 강조하는 개발협력과 개발교육에 반대했다. 또한 개발국은 선진국 시민들이 개발 이슈의 인식에서 개발을 위한 행동을 취하도록 장려하고, 글로벌 이슈와 지역적 관심사를 연결하며, 자선의식에 호소하지 않고 자금을 조달해야 하는 문제와도 씨름했다. 이러한 문제들은 개발국과 개발교육 협력단체들이 개발교육의 교육 과정을 성찰하여 기존 유형을 식별하고, 에큐메니컬 교육의 모델을 고안하도록 동기를 부여했다. 에큐메니컬 교육은 해방과 의식화의 비판적 모델과 문화 간 이해와 글로벌 인식의 유연한 모델을 통합했다. 그 시기에 예산 삭감, 조직적 중복, 그리고 개발교육을 기독교교육과 교차시키는 요구를 감안하여 1981년에 개발교육은 개발국과 교육국의 공동 사업으로 재정립되었다. 1981년부터 1991년 사이의 4단계에서는 세계적 흐름에 반응하여 개발교육이 새롭게 "정의, 평화, 창조세계의 보전(Justice, Peace, and Integrity of Creation, JPIC)를 위한 교육"으로 불렸다. 정의, 평화, 창조세계의 보전이라는 세계교회협의회의 중점 아젠다는 지역교회와 시민운동의 다양한 문화와 요구에 답하는 새로운 사회윤리적 비전이었다. 이 시기 개발국은 계속해서 활동가적 특성을 유지했지만 이 전 시기보다는 제도적인 교회를 통해 더 많은 일을 했다. 해방과 상호의존이라는 개념을 바탕으로 한 에큐메니컬 교육에 편입된 개발교육은 정의, 평화, 창조세계의 보전 지역 워크숍에서 대화를 통해 "억압하는 자"와 "억압받는 자"를 화해시키는 노력을 하였다. 개발교육을 통한 자금조달과 인지도를 높이는 노력과 비판적 분석을 통한 임파워먼트(empowerment)도 계속되었다. 세계교회협의회와 개발국의 사례는 기독교 에큐메니컬 단체가 어떻게 국제개발협력을 구상하고 개발교육을 촉진했는지 보여준다. 그 과정에서 개발과 개발교육의 원리를 타협하지 않으며 기금을 모으려 애썼다. 그리고 일시적인 봉사 프로젝트를 제공하기 보다는 개발도상국가 협력단체들과 네트워킹을 통해 교육과 시민 변호를 위한 역할을 맡았다. 또한 사회 정의와 구조적 변화를 위한 정치 교육과 행동을 장려했지만, 해방신학과 비판적 페다고지를 마르크스주의와 동일시하는 교회들의 저항에 부딪혔다. 개발국은 개발교육을 주로 추진했던 선진국 단체들과의 관계보다 개발도상국의 단체들의 입장에서 노력했다. 마지막으로 개발국이 강조했던 사회적행동은 점차 신학과 교육에 대한 성찰로 보완되었다. 개발교육은 결국 세계교회협의회의 다른 교육 분과와 결합하여 에큐메니컬 교육에 통합되었다. 이것은 교육학적인 성찰로서 개발교육의 진전이었지만 정치적 행동 요소와는 분리되는 결과를 낳았다. 에큐메니컬 교육에서 강조하는 화해는 가난하고 억압받는 자들의 고충을 충분히 듣고 해결하여 평화와 일치에 이르는 것이었으나 1980년대와 1990년대 전지구적 보수주의와 신자유주의가 대두되면서 에큐메니컬 교육은 갈등을 드러내는 비판적 모델 보다는 조화를 위한 교육이 되었다. 세계교회협의회와 개발국의 개발교육 경험은 몇 가지 함의를 가지고 있다. 오늘날 기금 모금은 계속해서 개발교육의 도구로 사용되고 있다. 개발교육의 도구로써 기금 모금은 투명하고 비판적으로 논의되어야 한다. 또한 개발교육은 비정부기구의 하나의 개발협력프로그램 뿐만 아니라 연대·상호학습의 파트너십을 규정하는 모드로써 단체의 중심적 요소가 되어야 한다. 비판적 개발교육은 또한 정치적 행동 차원을 포함해야 하며, 특히 비정부기구와 종교기반단체를 통한 비정규 교육 분야에서는 더욱 정치행동 차원을 강조해야 한다. 특히 기독교 종교기반단체에게 있어 행동과 성찰의 일치를 갖춘 비판적 개발교육은 이러한 사회 정치적 변혁을 위한 개발협력의 토대가 되며 교회의 개혁을 촉진한다. ; This study examines the case of development education by the World Council of Churches (WCC) primarily through the Commission on the Churches' Participation in Development (CCPD) between 1966 and 1991 to show how the organization's values, development perspectives, and development education approaches were shaped and negotiated through different phases. The WCC's place as an international faith-based development organization (FBO) involved in development education will be examined to find potential implications for both the development education sector and the faith-based organizations approaching development education. The main research question is formulated as follows: between 1966 and 1991, how did the WCC and its subunit CCPD conceptualize development and development education? Sub-questions include: What were some internal and external factors that contributed to the emergence of critical pedagogical development education in the WCC? What factors led to shifts in perspectives on development and development education through different phases? The research questions are answered by examining the history of the WCC and the CCPD and analyzing based on conceptual frameworks drawn from literature review on development education by non-government organizations (NGOs). Categorizations of practices in development education by Arnold (1988) and Krause (2010) were examined to form a conceptual framework with which to examine the WCC's development education. The perspectives on development cooperation were identified as charity, interdependence, and liberation, and the approaches to development education were identified as public relations and fundraising, awareness raising, mobilization, and empowerment. With the framework five key questions were also formulated to analyze the findings on issues of funding, service projects, political stance, partnership with the North and the South, and education as process and outcome. Archival documentary materials were gathered as primary and secondary sources to examine the organization's values based on theology and ecumenical social thought, along with its development perspectives and development education approaches in four different phases. The phases are contextualized through reviews of literature on development education by NGOs in those time periods. Internal and external factors that contributed to shifts in perspectives and approaches were considered. In the first phase from 1966 to 1970, the WCC followed the mainstream perception of development as economic growth. While structural change was necessary, it assumed a harmony of interests between the North and the South. The WCC called for churches and nations to increase development assistance and contribute a share of their budget. The development education secretariat was formed in the WCC in 1968 to raise awareness of development issues, and motivate Northern constituents to participate in political campaigns and encourage monetary contribution. In the second phase from 1970 to 1975, the CCPD was formed based on the requests by the churches in the South for a more equal development partnership with the churches in the North, based on the principles of social justice, self-reliance, and economic growth. Influenced by the emerging dependency theory, liberation theology, and critical pedagogy by Paulo Freire, the CCPD soon incorporated principles of liberation, people's movement, and conscientization, and adopted the strategy of networking, decentralization, and experimentation. Development education was based on a conflict perspective of liberation rather than harmonious interdependence, and was practiced by coordinating visitations, workshops, and consultations for development education partners and political action groups, primarily in the North. Fundraising in the North was to also serve as an instrument for development education. From 1975 to 1981 in the third phase, the WCC and the CCPD supplemented their actions with theological studies, and more specifically focused on partnering with member churches. Development education became even more essential to the CCPD's strategy to support the churches' own reflections. With a new formulation of an ideal society as just, participatory, and sustainable, the WCC sought to support the non-aligned nations in the Cold War global structure with their proposal for a new international economic order. Based on the perspective on development as liberation, the CCPD sought to assume a catalytic role within the WCC to challenge the Council and the churches to question the status quo. The CCPD study on "The Church of the Poor" became the foundational theological articulation on the churches' participation in development. But development education, along with the CCPD and the rest of the Council, encountered resistance from the member churches reluctant to take political action. It was also difficult to move the North's constituents from awareness to action, to connect global issues with their local concerns, and to raise funding without appealing to a sense of charity. These issues motivated the CCPD and its development education partners to reflect on the pedagogical process of development education and identify several existing models, and come up with a model of ecumenical education. Ecumenical education incorporated both the conflict model of liberation and conscientization, and the softer model of global awareness for intercultural understanding. Partly given budget cuts, organizational overlap, and the demands to cross-fertilize development education with Christian education, the desk was realigned as a joint venture between the CCPD and the Subunit on Education in 1981. The global context in the fourth phase between 1981 and 1991 changed the character of development education which was now called education for justice, peace, and integrity of creation. The WCC's priority was to facilitate the conciliar process of justice, peace, and the integrity of creation (JPIC) by responding to various contexts and cultures of the local and regional movements and church groups. The CCPD continued to be activist in character, but became less politically vocal and worked more through the institutional church channels than in the past decade. Development education that was incorporated into ecumenical education based on both the concept of liberation and interdependence was intended to reconcile the oppressor and the oppressed through dialogues in regional JPIC workshops. The fundraising and awareness raising components continued in the CCPD, along with empowerment through critical analysis, though the action component was less highlighted. The WCC and the CCPD's experience show how an international ecumenical organization conceived of international development cooperation and promoted critical development education. The Committee tried with difficulty to hold education and fundraising together without compromising on its values. And rather than providing temporary service projects, the Committee embraced its role in education and advocacy through networking with the partners in the South. It also promoted political education and action for social justice and systemic change, but encountered resistance from those reluctant to commit to political action or side with what they equated with Marxism. The CCPD also tried to prioritize participation and input from the marginalized South, but its relationship with various Northern partners with whom the Commission promoted development education was less clear. The CCPD's emphasis on action was also supplemented by its reflections on theology and pedagogy. Development education was eventually combined with other aspects of education in the WCC and was incorporated into ecumenical education. This advanced pedagogical reflections on development education but resulted in downplaying the critical political action component and separating education from development cooperation in the WCC. The final emphasis on reconciliation in ecumenical education tried to work toward peace and unity while giving due attention to tensions and grievances, but in the general global climate of conservatism and neoliberalism in the 1980s and the 1990s, and the churches' reluctance to address tensions, the WCC returned to the softer forms of development education. The WCC and the CCPD's experience with development education holds several implications. Today fundraising continues to be an instrument of development education. Ways to transparently and critically link both elements must be devised. Specifically, critical development education should also be an essential element in development cooperation and NGOs as not just a program thrust but as a mode that defines partnerships of solidarity and mutual learning. Critical development education should also include a political dimension, especially in the non-formal sectors through NGOs and FBOs. Especially for Christian FBOs, critical development education with its unity of action and reflection should be a foundation for its political activism. Such development education facilitates a way toward the churches and the ecumenical movement's own renewal. ; CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Background and rationale 1 1.2 Purpose and research question 13 1.3 Research design and data collection 14 1.4 Overview of chapters 23 CHAPTER 2. DEVELOPMENT EDUCATION BY NGOS 25 2.1 Development education in NGOs and FBOs 26 2.2 NGO pedagogical issues 41 2.3 Types of development education 46 2.4 Conclusion 58 CHAPTER 3. ECUMENICAL SOCIAL THOUGHT IN WCC 60 3.1 Structure and social thought in the WCC 60 3.2 Organizational context of WCC 72 3.3 Conclusion 77 CHAPTER 4. DEVELOPMENT AND DEVELOPMENT EDUCATION IN WCC AND CCPD 79 4.1 Phase one 1966-1970: Seeking a new kind of development 80 4.1.1 World Conference on Church and Society in Geneva, 1966 80 4.1.2 Cooperation with the Roman Catholic Church 84 4.1.3 WCC Assembly at Uppsala, 1968 88 4.1.4 Development education consultation in 1969 95 4.1.5 From charity to interdependence, with signs of liberation 96 4.2 Phase two 1970-1975: Beginning of CCPD and concretization of strategies 99 4.2.1 Development projects consultation in Montreux, 1970 100 4.2.2 Global situations and WCC affairs in the early 1970s 103 4.2.3 CCPD's development mandate and strategies 107 4.2.4 Development education strategies and programs 117 4.2.5 From interdependence to liberation 130 4.3 Phase three 1975-1981: Evaluation and realignment 134 4.3.1 WCC Assembly in Nairobi and JPSS in Unit II 134 4.3.2 Toward a church in solidarity with the poor 139 4.3.3 Tempering expectations by 1979 145 4.3.4 Reviewing a decade of development education 151 4.3.5 Toward critical reflections 160 4.4 Phase four 1981-1991: Development education joins ecumenical education 163 4.4.1 From Vancouver 1983 to Canberra 1991 163 4.4.2 CCPD in the 1980s 167 4.4.3 Development education as learning for JPIC 171 4.4.4 Back to interdependence 177 4.5 Shifts through phases 180 4.6 Conclusion 189 CHAPTER 5. ISSUES IN DEVELOPMENT EDUCATION 192 5.1 Conviction to hold together education and fundraising 193 5.2 Education as essential to CCPD 197 5.3 Commitment to political action 200 5.4 Emergence of Southern initiative 205 5.5 Transition from education for action to education as process 209 5.6 Conclusion 214 CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION 217 6.1 Summary 217 6.2 A way forward 222 6.3 Limitations and suggestions for further studies 227 6.4 Conclusion 229 BIBLIOGRAPHY 231 APPENDIX 245 국문초록 269 ; Doctor

The objectives of this study are to: 1. Give an overview of the current discussion concerning competition distortion in relation to climate policy, 2. Describe results from some studies estimating the actual competition situation for selected activities, 3. Describe what sector agreement models are suggested/ discussed by EU, 4. Describe what sectors are most interesting to target with a sector agreement from a Swedish point of view, 5. Analyse what parameters are important for reducing competition distortion for Swedish Industry. Two studies, for the United Kingdom (Hourcade et al 2008) and Germany (Graichen et al 2008), have recently assessed the potential cost impact for different industrial sectors of CO2-prices due to the EU ETS. Maximum value at stake was used as metrics. The sectors with high potential impact, with a maximum value at stake larger than 10%, are in the United Kingdom Lime and cement, Basic iron and steel, Starches, Refined petroleum, Fertilizers and Nitrogen compounds and Aluminium. In Germany, the sectors with a maximum value at stake larger than 10% are: Cement and lime, Fertilizers and nitrogen compounds, Basic iron and steel, Aluminium, Paper and board, Other basic inorganic compounds and Coke, refined petroleum and nuclear fuels. Ex-ante studies of the impacts of competitiveness and carbon leakage due to the EU ETS fail to find actual impacts. However, that does not mean that there will be no impact in the future, which hold changes both in the EU ETS (method for allowance allocation, allowance prices etc) and possibly also other important circumstances (global demand for certain products and global product prices). In this study, based on official Swedish statistics, the maximum value a stake has been calculated for 52 Swedish sectors. Seven sectors have a maximum value a stake of more than 4%: Coke and refined petroleum (21%), Pulp and paper (11%), Basic metals (10%), Non-metallic mineral (9%), Metal ore mines (6%), Air transport (5%) and Electricity, gas and heat (4%). If Air transport and Electricity, gas and heat are omitted, the five remaining sectors account for 22% of Sweden's carbon emissions. In the Swedish Non-metallic mineral sector (including Cement and lime) the maximum value at stake is considerably lower than for Cement and lime in the UK and Germany. This is most likely due differences in system boundaries. In the Swedish statistics, the Cement and lime industry is a minor part (in terms of value added) of the Non-metallic mineral sector, a sector that also includes Stone, sand and soil industry. The calculated maximum value at stake for Non-metallic mineral is therefore a poor proxy for the Cement and lime sector since other sub sectors may 'dilute' the maximum value at stake. Differences in system boundaries may also explain the significant difference in maximum value at stake between the Swedish steel industry and UK and German steel industries. Other possible explanations may be a higher value added per unit, differences in how value added is calculated, different years applied for the analysis and lower CO2-intensity for Swedish products. In late 2008, the EU proposed three types of sector approaches to be discussed under the Ad-hoc Working Group on future commitments for Annex I Parties under the Kyoto Protocol (AWG-KP): i) Sector CDM - a CDM crediting mechanism with a previously established baseline ii) Sectoral no-lose mechanism - Sectoral crediting against a previously established no-lose target iii) Sectoral emission trading based on a sector emissions cap Based on these three sectoral models, we have analysed what parameters are important for reducing competition distortion for Swedish industry. We have assumed that these sector agreements are implemented in a developing country (DC). We conclude that if sector agreements are to reduce distortions on competition, it is important that the sector agreements create a real carbon price in the DC, i.e. that emissions of carbon dioxide are associated with a cost for the emitter. All three sector agreement-models suggested by the EU can potentially create a carbon price. The driver for emission reductions are in all three cases the international demand for offsets. As a potentially large buyer of off-sets, the EU demand for off-sets is likely to increase the carbon price in the DC sector. The choice of EU policy with respect to imports of off-set will therefore have great importance. Other buyers, such as other countries, emission trading systems or the voluntary credit market will of course also be important. Moreover, imports of off-sets may reduce the price on EU ETS allowances, thus further narrowing the carbon price gap between the two markets. If an important objective of a sectoral agreement is to reduce competition distortion it should be implemented in sectors where the corresponding Swedish industry has significant carbon related costs and where there is significant trade intensity between Sweden and regions outside the EU. Our preliminary analysis indicates that Swedish sectors with potentially high maximum value at stake (direct carbon and indirect electricity cost) are Refineries; Pulp and Paper; Iron and Steel;Cement and Lime; and Metal ore mining. The sectors Aluminium and Fertilizers may be important, but have not been assessed explicitly in this study. In addition, electricity production can be important to include in a sectoral agreement since the electricity price may be a significant cost for certain sectors exposed to international competition. Pass-through of costs - consumer incentives. If a sectoral agreement is to reduce competition distortion it is important that the sector participating in the sectoral agreement can pass through the additional carbon costs on the commodity so the carbon intensive products become more expensive for the consumer. A full pass through of the carbon cost could be compromised in countries with centrally regulated prices on carbon intensive commodities or other measures that shield the true price of carbon from the consumer. Target setting - producer incentives. The rules for setting the targets in the DC sector are crucial from a producer incentive point of view. There are two main options here: 1) absolute targets and 2) intensity targets. Absolute targets create high incentives for carbon reductions as long as the targets are not re-negotiated. The disadvantage is that they might be difficult to negotiate due to difficulties in finding an appropriate emission level, risk for hot air and the inflexibility to future adjustments. Intensity targets are based on output times an intensity factor (called benchmarking). But benchmarking leads to reduced incentives: i) as a production subsidy it encourages overproduction and ii) dis-incentivises the substitution to carbon efficient products. A third, theoretical, option would be absolute targets that are updated according to historic emissions. This model would, however, seriously undermine the incentives for emission reductions. In this study, we have argued that from a competition point of view, it's important to create a carbon price in the developing country. A different issue relates to how different sector agreement models influence the compliance costs of participating firms. We describe a situation where a DC industry sector is linked to the EU ETS, and where the EU industry pays for allowances (no free allocation). For a Sector emission trading system where the DC industry has to pay for allowances, the compliance costs could be compatible in the two regions. For Sector CDM and Sector no-lose mechanism, if the government implements a domestic carbon tax, the compliance costs may also be compatible in the two regions. However, if allowances are allocated freely to the DC industry and no tax is implemented, the DC industry would have no costs associated with the carbon emissions below the compliance level. There could here be a significant difference in compliance costs between the industries in the two regions. We have, however, not analysed if significant asymmetries in compliance costs can lead to competitive distortions between regions. ; The objectives of this study are to: 1. Give an overview of the current discussion concerning competition distortion in relation to climate policy, 2. Describe results from some studies estimating the actual competition situation for selected activities, 3. Describe what sector agreement models are suggested/ discussed by EU, 4. Describe what sectors are most interesting to target with a sector agreement from a Swedish point of view, 5. Analyse what parameters are important for reducing competition distortion for Swedish Industry. Two studies, for the United Kingdom (Hourcade et al 2008) and Germany (Graichen et al 2008), have recently assessed the potential cost impact for different industrial sectors of CO2-prices due to the EU ETS. Maximum value at stake was used as metrics. The sectors with high potential impact, with a maximum value at stake larger than 10%, are in the United Kingdom Lime and cement, Basic iron and steel, Starches, Refined petroleum, Fertilizers and Nitrogen compounds and Aluminium. In Germany, the sectors with a maximum value at stake larger than 10% are: Cement and lime, Fertilizers and nitrogen compounds, Basic iron and steel, Aluminium, Paper and board, Other basic inorganic compounds and Coke, refined petroleum and nuclear fuels. Ex-ante studies of the impacts of competitiveness and carbon leakage due to the EU ETS fail to find actual impacts. However, that does not mean that there will be no impact in the future, which hold changes both in the EU ETS (method for allowance allocation, allowance prices etc) and possibly also other important circumstances (global demand for certain products and global product prices). In this study, based on official Swedish statistics, the maximum value a stake has been calculated for 52 Swedish sectors. Seven sectors have a maximum value a stake of more than 4%: Coke and refined petroleum (21%), Pulp and paper (11%), Basic metals (10%), Non-metallic mineral (9%), Metal ore mines (6%), Air transport (5%) and Electricity, gas and heat (4%). If Air transport and Electricity, gas and heat are omitted, the five remaining sectors account for 22% of Sweden's carbon emissions. In the Swedish Non-metallic mineral sector (including Cement and lime) the maximum value at stake is considerably lower than for Cement and lime in the UK and Germany. This is most likely due differences in system boundaries. In the Swedish statistics, the Cement and lime industry is a minor part (in terms of value added) of the Non-metallic mineral sector, a sector that also includes Stone, sand and soil industry. The calculated maximum value at stake for Non-metallic mineral is therefore a poor proxy for the Cement and lime sector since other sub sectors may 'dilute' the maximum value at stake. Differences in system boundaries may also explain the significant difference in maximum value at stake between the Swedish steel industry and UK and German steel industries. Other possible explanations may be a higher value added per unit, differences in how value added is calculated, different years applied for the analysis and lower CO2-intensity for Swedish products. In late 2008, the EU proposed three types of sector approaches to be discussed under the Ad-hoc Working Group on future commitments for Annex I Parties under the Kyoto Protocol (AWG-KP): i) Sector CDM - a CDM crediting mechanism with a previously established baseline ii) Sectoral no-lose mechanism - Sectoral crediting against a previously established no-lose target iii) Sectoral emission trading based on a sector emissions cap Based on these three sectoral models, we have analysed what parameters are important for reducing competition distortion for Swedish industry. We have assumed that these sector agreements are implemented in a developing country (DC). We conclude that if sector agreements are to reduce distortions on competition, it is important that the sector agreements create a real carbon price in the DC, i.e. that emissions of carbon dioxide are associated with a cost for the emitter. All three sector agreement-models suggested by the EU can potentially create a carbon price. The driver for emission reductions are in all three cases the international demand for offsets. As a potentially large buyer of off-sets, the EU demand for off-sets is likely to increase the carbon price in the DC sector. The choice of EU policy with respect to imports of off-set will therefore have great importance. Other buyers, such as other countries, emission trading systems or the voluntary credit market will of course also be important. Moreover, imports of off-sets may reduce the price on EU ETS allowances, thus further narrowing the carbon price gap between the two markets. If an important objective of a sectoral agreement is to reduce competition distortion it should be implemented in sectors where the corresponding Swedish industry has significant carbon related costs and where there is significant trade intensity between Sweden and regions outside the EU. Our preliminary analysis indicates that Swedish sectors with potentially high maximum value at stake (direct carbon and indirect electricity cost) are Refineries; Pulp and Paper; Iron and Steel;Cement and Lime; and Metal ore mining. The sectors Aluminium and Fertilizers may be important, but have not been assessed explicitly in this study. In addition, electricity production can be important to include in a sectoral agreement since the electricity price may be a significant cost for certain sectors exposed to international competition. Pass-through of costs - consumer incentives. If a sectoral agreement is to reduce competition distortion it is important that the sector participating in the sectoral agreement can pass through the additional carbon costs on the commodity so the carbon intensive products become more expensive for the consumer. A full pass through of the carbon cost could be compromised in countries with centrally regulated prices on carbon intensive commodities or other measures that shield the true price of carbon from the consumer. Target setting - producer incentives. The rules for setting the targets in the DC sector are crucial from a producer incentive point of view. There are two main options here: 1) absolute targets and 2) intensity targets. Absolute targets create high incentives for carbon reductions as long as the targets are not re-negotiated. The disadvantage is that they might be difficult to negotiate due to difficulties in finding an appropriate emission level, risk for hot air and the inflexibility to future adjustments. Intensity targets are based on output times an intensity factor (called benchmarking). But benchmarking leads to reduced incentives: i) as a production subsidy it encourages overproduction and ii) dis-incentivises the substitution to carbon efficient products. A third, theoretical, option would be absolute targets that are updated according to historic emissions. This model would, however, seriously undermine the incentives for emission reductions. In this study, we have argued that from a competition point of view, it's important to create a carbon price in the developing country. A different issue relates to how different sector agreement models influence the compliance costs of participating firms. We describe a situation where a DC industry sector is linked to the EU ETS, and where the EU industry pays for allowances (no free allocation). For a Sector emission trading system where the DC industry has to pay for allowances, the compliance costs could be compatible in the two regions. For Sector CDM and Sector no-lose mechanism, if the government implements a domestic carbon tax, the compliance costs may also be compatible in the two regions. However, if allowances are allocated freely to the DC industry and no tax is implemented, the DC industry would have no costs associated with the carbon emissions below the compliance level. There could here be a significant difference in compliance costs between the industries in the two regions. We have, however, not analysed if significant asymmetries in compliance costs can lead to competitive distortions between regions.

Med bevægelsen væk fra 70ernes og 80ernes reguleringsmekanismer præget af tilsyn, kontrol og påbud, over renere teknologi og selv-regulering i 90erne, er det nye årtusinde karakteriseret ved en partnerskabstankegang og brug af netværk som mekanisme til at fremme grønne markeder og en miljøvenlig privatsektor. Fortrinsvist siden Rio Topmødet i 1992 har virksomheder i stadig højere grad efterspurgt og deltaget i partnerskaber med offentlige parter, herunder regeringer, internationale organisationer og NGO'er; partnerskaber, der har til formål at medvirke til aktiviteter til sikring af en bæredygtig udvikling. Partnerskaber er blevet mere fremherskende i takt med at virksomheder reagerer på et stadigt stigende pres fra forskellige interessenter, herunder civilsamfundet, nationale og lokale myndigheder, i forhold til ansvarligheden af deres handlinger. Såkaldte grønne netværk, renere teknologi centre og affaldsminimerings-klubber er nogle af de fremhævede alternative tilgange til traditionel myndighedsregulering. Mens disse alternativer bliver udnævnt som mulige løsninger for myndighederne i det globale Syd til at rette op på manglende miljølovgivning, tilsyn og kontrol, er det rent faktisk sådan, at de fleste eksempler på sådanne partnerskaber stammer fra lande i det globale Nord. Et af de mest succesrige offentlige-private partnerskaber i Danmark er Green Network beliggende i det tidligere Vejle Amt. I dette initiativ, der blev startet af de lokale myndigheder og erhvervslivet i amtet, er der i dag mere end 280 aktive partnere, dækkende såvel den offentlige som den private sektor, dvs. lokale virksomheder, offentlige institutioner og myndigheder. Netværket startede i 1994 og har siden da vokset i både omfang, indsats og vigtighed. Helt fundamentalt er dets formål at udvikle, afprøve og indføre nye former for samarbejde mellem de offentlige myndigheder og de private virksomheder. Til at starte på var redskabet til dette en frivillig miljøredegørelse (Grønt Regnskab), som især virksomhederne kunne gøre brug af. Som tiden er gået er der dog generelt kommet et både større og bredere dækkende pres på de offentlige institutioner og myndigheder såvel som virksomheder, og der stilles stigende krav til, hvad samfundsmæssigt ansvar dækker over. I takt hermed har både værktøjer og metoder – og deres brug – udviklet sig. Dette gælder i netværket såvel som i samfundet i bredere forstand. Selvom sådanne typer netværk kan anses for relativt succesfulde i en Nord kontekst, er ukritisk donorfinansieret overførsel af disse koncepter til Syd kontekster ofte mundet ud i i skuffende resultater. Det er nødvendigt at diskutere og være opmærksom på nøgleelementer i det institutionelle landskab og på institutionelle bæreres vigtighed for succesen af grønne netværk i Syd. Med reference til tidligere igangværende initiativer i Thailand, herunder specielt netværket Cleaner Production for Industrial Efficiency, samt den føromtalte succesfulde case Green Network her i Danmark, er det dette ph.d. projekts formål at undersøge og vurdere disse initiativer, diskutere dem i relation til en institutionel og interessent tilgang (til partnerskaber) og foreslå hvorledes de forskellige erfaringer kan forstås og relateres i forhold til et bistandsperspektiv. Der er dog en tostrenget tilgang til dette. På den ene side universitetets-samarbejder, som er den verden, jeg personligt befinder mig i, og på den anden en betoning af, at den private sektor så småt er ved at acceptere en bredere (end snævert økonomisk) funderet rolle i samfundet, herunder også en stigende tendens omkring partnerskaber og virksomhedernes medvirken heri. Dette sidste har ledt mange til at stille sig spørgende overfor, hvilke faktorer, der reelt motiverer virksomheder til at efterspørge og forfølge partnerskaber. Disse underliggende kræfter kan indeholde legitimitets-behov såvel som interessent-pres. Det er dog sådan, at med det konstante flow af opskrifter, standarder, regler osv., som virksomheder præsenteres for, afhænger deres overlevelse af evnerne til at kunne overskue dette flow, optage og indlejre relevante systemer og procedurer, og skille sig af med de unyttige eller de, der er eller bliver overflødige. Denne egenskab kalder Røvik (1998) "multi-standard organisationen", og han identificerer den ved fem fundamentale kapaciteter: • Høj absorptions kapacitet • En dekoblingskapacitet af de 'opskrifter', der ikke passer ind i virksomhedens kernefelt eller med andre 'opskrifter' • En kapacitet til at kunne oversætte nye 'opskrifter' hurtigt og effektivt • En afkoblingskapacitet, så brugen af 'opskrifter', der ikke længere er nyttige, kan stoppes, og • En lagrings- og reaktiveringskapacitet, så engang nyttige opskrifter hurtigt kan gendannes og bruges påny. En undersøgelse af Green Network viser at disse fem kendetegn, som er skitseret i Røvik's teorier, faktisk alle er tilstede i netværket. Green Network har udvist en forbløffende evne til at følge med i udviklingerne i relation til ideerne om økologisk modernisering og bæredygtig udvikling. De har i relation hertil kunnet følge trit med alle de vigtige udviklinger de seneste 15 år, optaget hvad de har fundet vigtigt og kasseret det, de ikke har fundet passende i forhold til deres egen visioner og programmer. De resulterende værktøjer, manualer og måder hvorpå viden udbredes er alle en refleksion af den særlige Green Network måde at gøre tingene på, det vil sige gør det ikke sværere end det er, samarbejd og del jeres viden med hinanden. Konklusionen er, at gennem dialog, refleksivitet og etableringen af en fremmende frem for begrænsende kontekst, kan offentlige private partnerskaber blive et ganske brugbart element i samfundets indsats for en bæredygtig udvikling. I relation til den thailandske kontekst må det siges, at de umiddelbare succeser med at indføre renere teknologier gennem en netværksbaseret tilgang er blevet afløst af frustrationer om endnu et bistandsdrevet projekt, der viste sig ubæredygtigt og kun korttids-holdbar. Det er på dette punkt, universiteternes rolle som centrale elementer i udvikling og innovation – 'universities as development hubs' – finder sin anvendelse. Gennem universitetskonsortier og -netværk er kapacitetsopbygning indenfor miljø og udvikling blevet indført og afprøvet gennem de seneste 10 år. Universiteter fra Afrika (Botswana og Sydafrika), Asien, (Malaysia og Thailand), Mellemamerika (Costa Rica, El Salvador og Nicaragua) og Europa (Danmark) har samarbejdet med studerende og forskere. Til at begynde med fokuserede nogle programmer på forskning og andre på uddannelse, men over tid er resultatet en kombination af højere uddannelse og forskning, der synes at være mere effektiv og relevant. Samarbejder med partnere både indenfor det offentlig og det private er blevet etableret og har vist sig succesrigt og til fælles gavn. Aktiviteterne i disse konsortier har indebåret udvikling af nye studier (herunder i flere tilfælde også et paradigme skifte til problem-orienteret og projekt-baseret læring), lærer- og studenter-udveksling, fælles forskningsprojekter og fælles udviklingskonferencer. Resultaterne har været lovende, ikke mindst i relation til de konkrete typer af aktiviteter, der er foregået, men også samlet set, hvor de i fællesskab bidrager til en overordnet kapacitetsopbygning indenfor højere uddannelse og til forbedrede udviklingsmuligheder og miljøforhold. En styrkelse af højere uddannelse anses for at være en forudsætning for økonomisk og demokratisk udvikling i alle lande, i- såvel som u-lande. Men, i særdeleshed i udviklingslande er der behov for speciel støtte, for eksempel gennem international bistand til programmer for højere uddannelse, herunder forskning og innovation i samarbejde med andre forskningsinstitutioner såvel som med myndigheder og virksomheder. Universiteter bør selvsagt spille en central rolle i sådanne globale anstrengelser for at styrke højere uddannelse. I samarbejde med eksterne partnere (eksempelvis private virksomheder, konsulenter, NGOer, og civilsamfundet generelt), lægges der her vægt på universiteternes rolle som nøgleaktører og formidlere af ny viden og læring, herunder udviklingsværktøjer som IKT og PBL; som formidlere af kompetente og motiverede kandidater, der kan indtræde i nøglepositioner i samfundet; og som uundværlige partnere i at skabe det innovative og selv-lærende samfund, som synes en nødvendighed for begrænse fattigdom og facilitere økonomisk og social fremgang. Reelt operationaliserbare modeller er måske stadig mangelfulde, men "Public-Private-Academic Partnerships" foreslås her som et realiserbart løsningsforslag og som et koncept til yderligere undersøgelse og modifikation. Nogle af resultaterne og disses implikationer er præsenteret i denne afhandling, og flere er dokumenteret i referencerne. Ganske kort, universiteter, i tæt samarbejde med de øvrige af samfundets aktører, er helt nødvendige for opbygningen og vedligeholdelsen af innovative og bæredygtige samfund. ; Moving from largely command and control measures in the 70s and 80s, through cleaner production and self-regulatory initiatives in the 90s, the emphasis in the new millennium is more on using networks and partnerships as levers for promoting a greening of industry. Predominantly since the 1992 Rio Summit, corporations have been increasingly pursuing these partnerships with public institutions including governments, international organizations and NGOs that aim to contribute to sustainable development activities. Partnerships have become more common as corporations react to mounting pressure from corporate stakeholders, civil society and government on the responsible nature of their business practices. So-called 'Green Networks', 'Cleaner Production Centres', 'Waste Minimisation Clubs' are among the highlighted alternatives to governmental regulation. While being promoted as an option for governments in the South to make up for lack of sufficient environmental legislation and enforcement, the majority of these examples, however, stem from countries in the North. In terms of public–private partnerships, one of the foremost Danish initiatives is the Green Network in the former county of Vejle. This initiative, initiated by local governments and businesses in the county, currently involves more than 280 partners from both the private and the public sectors (local companies, public bodies and local governments). The network started in 1994 and has grown in size and importance ever since. Fundamentally, it aims at providing new forms of co-operation between public authorities and private companies. The vehicle for this was initially a voluntary environmental statement by companies, who wished to be members. With the passing of time, however, the demands and pressures on both companies and public bodies have increased as has their innovativeness. Hence, the tools and means employed—outside as well as inside the network—have developed accordingly. Even though they are successful in a Northern context, uncritical transfer of such concepts to contexts in the South along with substantial, external donor funding have in many cases led to disappointing outcomes. It is necessary to discuss and be aware of key factors in the institutional set-up and the importance of institutional carriers for the potential success of Green Networks in the South. With reference to at that time ongoing initiatives in Thailand, especially the Cleaner Production for Industrial Efficiency (CPIE) network, and the successful case of Green Network in Denmark, this PhD project sets out to examine and assess these initiatives, discuss them based on an institutional and stakeholder approach (to partnerships) and suggest how the experiences can be understood in their own rights. Inherent in this is the context of development aid. The point of departure is, however, twofold. From one side, university collaborations and from the other a signification of a corporate awakening towards a broader role of business in society and the trend of corporations embracing partnerships. The latter has led many to question the driving factors that motivate corporations to pursue partnerships. Underlying drivers of corporate organizational behaviour include both legitimacy and stakeholder needs. However, with a constant flow of recipes or standards being the order of the day for modern companies and organisations, their survival also relate to their ability to cope with this flow, adopting relevant recipes from it and incorporating these into their organisation - and dispensing with them when they become outmoded. This ability is exhibited by what Røvik (1998) calls the "multi-standard organisation", and he identifies five fundamental capacities that define it: • High absorption capacity • The capacity to decouple recipes that do not fit in • The ability to translate new recipes in a quick and easy way • The ability to detach old or worn down institutions, and • The ability to preserve and reactivate older forms of institutional recipes An evaluation of Green Network reveals that the five capacities outlined in Røvik's theory are all present. Green Network has exhibited a remarkable ability to keep up with trends in the development of the idea of ecological modernisation and sustainable development. They have been able to keep pace with all the important developments during the last almost fifteen years, absorbing what they find important and discarding aspects that do not fit into their vision and programmes. The resulting manuals, tools and ways of propagating knowledge all reflect the "Green Network way of doing things", i.e. keep it simple, work together and share knowledge. The conclusion is that through dialogue, reflexivity and the establishment of an enabling environment, public–private partnerships can become useful vehicles in societies' move towards sustainability. In relation to the Thai context, the initial successes of implementing cleaner production through the network approach have been substituted by frustrations of yet another aid-driven project that was unsustainable. This is the point where "universities as development hubs" enters the stage. Capacity-building in environment and development has been implemented and tested over the last decade through university and university consortia networking. Universities from Africa (Botswana and South Africa), Asia (Malaysia and Thailand), Central America (Costa Rica, El Salvador and Nicaragua) and Europe (Denmark) have collaborated with graduate students and faculty. Initially some programmes emphasised research and others higher education, but eventually a blend of research and higher education appeared to be more productive. Links to external partners in public and private business have been established and proved successful in terms of mutual benefits. Activities comprise evolution of new study curricula (including a shift of the learning paradigm to problem-based and project-organised learning), exchange of students and faculty, joint research and joint development conferences. The results have been promising in terms of concrete results within each type of activity and together they provide vital steps in capacity-building in tertiary education to the benefit of development and environment. Strengthening of tertiary education is assumed to be a prerequisite for economic and democratic development in all countries, be they industrialised, in transition or developing. However, particularly in transition and developing countries there is a need for special support, e.g. through international aid programmes to tertiary education, including research and innovation in an interplay with other research institutions, business and government. Universities should play a central role in such global efforts to strengthen tertiary education. In co-operation with external partners such as business, consultants, NGOs and civil society at large, universities as key agents and providers in new learning, including developing tools such as project-based and problem-oriented learning (PBL) as well as information and communication technology (ICT); as providers of competent and motivated graduates to fill key positions in society; and as indispensable partners in creating the innovative and auto-learning society necessary to curb poverty and facilitate prosperity is emphasised. Modes of operation are still deficient, but ''Public-Private Academic Partnerships' is suggested as a concept to study further and modify to needs. Some of the results and their implications are presented in this thesis and more are documented in the references that are cited. In short, universities, in joint action with business and society at large, are necessary for constructing and maintaining innovative and sustainable societies.

The World Development Report 2011 on conflict, security and development will look at conflict as a challenge to economic development. It will analyze the nature, causes and development consequences of modern violence and highlight lessons learned from efforts to prevent or recover from violence. Between two thirds and three quarters of the children without access to school, infants dying and mothers dying in childbirth in the developing world live in countries at risk or, affected by or recently recovering from violence. There are strong links between local conflicts, national conflict, organi

This country note is produced is part of The Pacific Catastrophe Risk Assessment andFinancing Initiative (PCRAFI). The geographic spread of the Cook Islands poses logistical problems for any necessary post-disaster relief and response efforts. The events of 2005 demonstrated that the Cook Islands is extremely vulnerable to the threat of tropical cyclones (TCs): in the two months of February and March 2005, TCs Meena, Nancy, Olaf, Percy, and Rae swept the country. The Cook Islands is expected to incur, on average, about NZ$6 million (US$4.9 million) per year in losses due to tropical cyclones. In the next 50 years, the Cook Islands has a 50 percent chance of experiencing a per-event loss exceeding NZ$97 million (US$79.5 million. The Cook Islands has a proactive approach to disaster risk financing and insurance (DRFI), which is supported by the upper echelons of government. In January 2011, the prime minister in his role as chair of the National Disaster Risk Management Council requested that the Ministry of Finance and Economic Management look at ways to become self-reliant in initial disaster response and generate new income streams for investment in a fund specifically for disaster management response and recovery. The Cook Islands has available a maximum amount of NZ$5.6 million (US$4.6 million) in the form of contingency funds and catastrophe risk insurance to facilitate disaster response. A number of options for further improving the Cook Islands financial protection against disasters are presented for consideration: (a) the development of an integrated DRFI strategy; (b) investigation of using contingent credit to access additional liquidity post-disaster; (c) development of an operations manual for post-disaster budget mobilization and execution; and (d) the identification of assets to be included in an insurance program for critical public assets.

Kenya withstood another difficult year in 2012 as policy tightening and weaker global demand slowed economic activity. With decisive fiscal and monetary policies, the government managed to restore confidence in Kenya's medium term prospects. Kenya's growth rate is still below its potential and its peers, external imbalances remain which threaten its future growth, and the pace of economic growth is not generating enough modern sector wage jobs. With the passage of the new constitution in 2010 and its implementation, stronger institutions are emerging, putting Kenya on a sound footing ready to take off. In the very short term, what remains to be done is for Kenya to deliver a credible and peaceful election in March 2013, and thereafter a smooth transfer of power. In the medium term, Kenya will need to start building a stronger foundation for growth, and undertake structural reforms to correct the external imbalances. To generate more jobs for the burgeoning educated youth population, Kenya will also need to reduce the transaction cost for firms, by reducing job-smothering corruption and the cost of doing business (particularly in transport and energy).

Over the last decade, Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programs have become one of the most widely adopted anti-poverty initiatives in the developing world. Inspired particularly by Mexico's successful program, CCTs are viewed as an effective way to provide basic income support while building children's human capital. These programs have had a remarkable global expansion, from a handful programs in the late 1990s to programs in close to 30 countries today, including a demonstration program in the United States. In contrast to many other safety net programs in developing countries, CCTs have been closely studied and well evaluated, creating both a strong evidence base from which to inform policy decisions and an active global community of practice. This paper first reviews the emergence of CCTs in the context of a key theme in welfare reform, notably using incentives to promote human capital development, going beyond the traditional focus on income support. The paper then examines what has been learned to date from the experience with CCTs in the South and raises a series of questions concerning the relevance and replicability of these lessons in other contexts. The paper concludes with a call for further knowledge sharing in two areas: between the North and South as the experience with welfare reform and CCTs in particular expands, and between behavioral science and welfare policy.

This study provides an overview of Arab official development assistance (ODA) over the past four decades. Trends in volume, composition, and direction are discussed in chapter two and the institutional framework is discussed in chapter three. Over 90 percent of Arab development assistance is provided by three countries: the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

A worldwide financial crisis of enormous magnitude continues to unfold rapidly. Unlike other crises in recent decades, the current episode is rooted in industrial countries' financial systems and is affecting low-income and middle-income countries (MICs) alike. Defaults on securitized sub-prime mortgages as a real estate market bubble burst led to failures or near-failures of several large financial institutions and a collapse of inter-bank and commercial paper markets. A tightening of credit, combined with declining consumer confidence, has brought on worldwide recession with growing unemployment, and many fear that the downturn will be severe and protracted. At the same time, the rapidly multiplying signs of contraction are prompting strong responses, including fiscal stimulus packages and reductions in benchmark lending rates, on the part of several of the affected developed countries. The Bank Group is well placed to help mitigate the impact of the current crisis with financing and advisory services, and its clients are already requesting increased support. A rapid, high-quality response that combines financial and advisory support can do much to ease the inevitable ramifications of the crisis. Lessons from evaluations of previous Bank Group responses to past crises can help inform the response to the current crisis in order to increase its effectiveness.

The paper focuses its analysis on the last three decades of the twentieth century. The basic assumption is that Egypt's economic performance during this period was less than satisfactory compared with the most successful examples in the far East and elsewhere. The paper also assumes that Egypt's initial conditions at midcentury compared favorably with the winners in the development race at the end of the century. Egypt has achieved positive progress, no doubt, yet compared with the higher performers in Asia, and given its favorable good initial conditions, the record seems quite mediocre. By mid-twentieth century, Egypt's agriculture had almost reached its limits. Egypt, therefore, faced a new challenge: a need to transform itself into an industrial society. This objective was only partially achieved. The paper identifies three interrelated factors that helped hinder Egypt's accession to a new industrial society. The first factor is a strong state and a weak society. An authoritarian state that in its endeavor to preserve its prerogatives had to give up good governance practices and limit the creative initiative of the individuals. The second factor is a semi-rentier economy. The availability of windfall revenues not only reduced the pressure for change but also promoted a new rentier mentality that undermined the emergence of an industrial spirit. The third factor is an inadequate education system. This system failed to provide the proper skills and values required for the industrial society. These factors, moreover, are interdependent and reinforce each other.