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Paradiplomacy is still relatively a new phenomenon for government activity in Indonesia. Paradiplomacy refers to the behavior and capacity to engage in foreign relations with foreign parties carried out by 'sub-state' entities, or regional governments / local governments, in the context of their specific interests. The term 'paradiplomacy' was first launched in an academic debate by Basque scientists, Panayotis Soldatos in the 1980s as a combination of the term 'parallel diplomacy' into 'paradiplomacy', which refers to the meaning of 'the foreign policy of non-central governments', according to Aldecoa , Keating and Boyer. Another term that was put forward by Ivo Duchacek (New York, 1990) for this concept is 'micro-diplomacy'. In this work, author explain the paradiplomacy into ten section such as: (1) Introduction; (2) Interaction Transnational and Paradiplomacy; (3) Paradiplomacy in the Indonesian Law Context; (4) Paradiplomacy in the International Law Context; (5) Diplomacy by Local Government; (6) Technical Regulation on the Implementation of Paradiplomacy in Indonesia; (7) International Cooperation by the Special Regional Province of Yogyakarta, Indonesia; (8) The Chronology of International Cooperation by the Local Government in Indonesia; (9) Inputs for the Revision of Indonesian Law on International Cooperation and (10) Epilog.

The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region

Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.

The preference of states to use public diplomacy strategy to support the realization of their national interests has become an international phenomenon nowadays. Public diplomacy in the modern era of International Relations turns out to be an instrument for states to exercise their soft power, as well as to convey specific messages intended for the international public. Thus, public diplomacy could be an alternative way for states that had serious barriers in practicing formal diplomacy in conventional ways. Palestine, as an entity whose legal status remains debatable, also utilizes public diplomacy as its strategy to gain support and recognition from the international community. This paper would aim to answer the research question on how Palestine exercises its public diplomacy, particularly digital diplomacy and citizen diplomacy, to gain international recognition for its statehood. By means of the use of social media and the exposure on Palestine's internationally well-known figure, Palestine is building a perception that Palestine itself is a state with no difference with the other states — therefore deserves independence and total sovereignty over its territory. ; The preference of states to use public diplomacy strategy to support the realization of their national interests has become an international phenomenon nowadays. Public diplomacy in the modern era of International Relations turns out to be an instrument for states to exercise their soft power, as well as to convey specific messages intended for the international public. Thus, public diplomacy could be an alternative way for states that had serious barriers in practicing formal diplomacy in conventional ways. Palestine, as an entity whose legal status remains debatable, also utilizes public diplomacy as its strategy to gain support and recognition from the international community. This paper would aim to answer the research question on how Palestine exercises its public diplomacy, particularly digital diplomacy and citizen diplomacy, to gain international recognition for its statehood. By means of the use of social media and the exposure on Palestine's internationally well-known figure, Palestine is building a perception that Palestine itself is a state with no difference with the other states — therefore deserves independence and total sovereignty over its territory

Food security become very important as food crisis occurred in 2008. Under the administration of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2009 to 2014, the crisis due to increase in population in Indonesia encourages increase in food demand. However, to fulfill Indonesia's food demand it still depends on the availability from international market. This research aims to analyze why countries like Indonesia dependent on international markets for food security aspect despite having the capability to achieve fulfillment on food. To analyze the reasons, the concepts of comparative advantage, dependency, and national capabilities will be use to analyze the factors on why nations depend on international market to achieve its food security. Accompanied by a comparison between Indonesia with Vietnam, Malaysia, and United States to see the similarities and differences to achieved food security in the international market. With qualitative research methods and comparison focus on explanative research also using literature studies in data collection. The results of this study finds that Indonesia dependence are influenced by comparative advantage policy of other countries which in this case are Vietnam and Malaysia, the international market system that encourages dependency, and Indonesia inability to maximizing its national capability compared to United States. Keywords: dependency, comparative advantage, national capabilities, Indonesia, food security.

Revolusi Iran tahun 1979 menjadi sebuah titik balik terhadap dinamika politik, budaya, dan sosial yang ada di Iran. Pemimpin revolusi, Khomeini, ingin Iran menjadi negara mandiri secara militer, salah satunya adalah membentuk milisi yang disebut Basij e-Mustafasin. Basij adalah milisi yang loyal terhadap Ayatollah yang terdiri dari masyarakat sipil. Basij telah begitu aktif terlibat dalam berbagai macam konflik yang melibatkan kepentingan Iran, seperti perang Irak-Iran 1980, perang Lebanon 2006, hingga perang sipil Suriah 2011. Menurut Paul Bucala (2017), penggunaan milisi Basij Iran dalam Perang Sipil Suriah yang terjadi dinilai tidak efektif, menghabiskan dana dan memunculkan korban yang cukup banyak, selain itu terdapat sebuah anomali dimana milisi yang seharusnya digunakan untuk bertahan di dalam teritorial negara (Calder, 1910). Namun hal ini tidak membuat Ali Khameini sebagai pemimpin agung untuk meminimalisir penggunaan milisi Basij pada Perang Sipil Suriah. Penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa terdapat konsistensi serta peningkatan dalam penggunaan milisi Basij dikarenakan budaya strategis yang mengakar dalam kultur militer Iran yaitu exporting sectarianism dan ideological army mobilization yang di sebutkan oleh Kamran Taremi (2014). Melalui hal tersebut peneliti akan menggunakan kerangka pemikiran Ole Waever tentang konstruksi sejarah sebagai identitas utama dari budaya strategis. Peneliti juga menggunakan kerangka beprikir militerisasi sipil oleh Julian Schofield (2007) untuk melihat fenomena milisi yang ada di Iran. Laporan penelitian ini kemudian menunjukkan bahwa adanya sebuah penyerapan pemahaman kolektif budaya strategis dalam perumusan kebijakan luar negeri Iran khususnya dalam bidang militer.

This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date. ; This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date.

Interfaith dialogue has not gained a strategic place in the context of the study of international relations yet, even though its existence has practically provided new dynamics in the constellation of contemporary international relations. Not only that, interfaith dialogue also has sufficient theoretical urgency as a academics study that needs to be continuously developed. The debate between realism and idealism continues to develop in contemporary international relations studies. This development is influenced by the expansion of the meaning of actors who not only talk about state actors but also non-state actors, the expansion of the issues was originally focused on hard political issues but also focus to the discussion on low political issues, as well as how the interaction between actors with the religious discussion of these issues has created varied patterns of relations between actors in the study of international relations. This study attempts to place the phenomenon of interfaith dialogue theoretically in the study of international relations through a rational perspective, by seeking a middle ground between the realism and idealism debates. The English School approach, foreign policy, and diplomacy will try to be presented so that the theoretical position of inter-religious dialogue will become clear as a phenomenon that continues to develop in the study of international relations. The importance of this research is to provide the possibility of a wider variety of studies in the context of international relations, so that the existence of international relations as a scientific discipline can be optimized for its contribution to analyzing social phenomena across national borders that occur and growing.