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In: Vjartanne 4
Cover -- Contents -- List of Boxes -- Preface -- Foreword -- Part A -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 3 -- Chapter 4 -- Chapter 5 -- Part B -- Chapter 6 -- Chapter 7 -- Chapter 8 -- Chapter 9 -- Chapter 10 -- Part C -- Chapter 11 -- Chapter 12 -- Chapter 13 -- Chapter 14 -- Chapter 15 -- Chapter 16 -- Part D -- Chapter 17 -- Tatpaschat -- Questions -- Editor and Contributer.
In: Lusotopie: enjeux contemporains dans les espaces lusophones ; publication annuelle internationale de recherches politiques en science de l'homme, de la société et de l'environnement sur les lieux, pays et communautés d'histoire et de langue officielle ou nationale portugais et luso-créoles ; revue reconnue par le CRNS, Volume 10, Issue 2, p. 193-208
ISSN: 1257-0273
1992 wurden diplomatische Beziehungen zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Belarus aufgenommen, dem weitere bilaterale Verträge folgten, u.a. 1994 das Abkommen über kulturelle Zusammenarbeit. In den 10 Jahren seither hat sich eine Vielzahl von Initiativen und Projekten zwischen beiden Staaten entwickelt - die Botschaft spricht von über 500 Vereinen und Organisationen. Die vorliegende zweisprachige Broschüre kann daher nur eine Auswahl präsentieren. Neben wirtschaftlichen Kontakten stellt sie im Bereich der politischen Beziehungen die politischen Stiftungen, Programme und Initiativen sowie Städtepartnerschaften vor. In der Rubrik Kultur, Bildung und Wissenschaft sind die Aktivitäten der Kulturmittler und Wissenschaftsorganisationen sowie die Zusammenarbeit im Schul- und Hochschulwesen enthalten. Das Kapitel Zivilgesellschaftliche Kooperation nennt die Initiativen aus den Bereichen Jugend, Frauen, Umwelt, Medien, Kirchen sowie Freiwilligendienste und Tschernobyl-Initiativen. Jeder Eintrag umfasst eine Kurzbeschreibung der Initiative und die Kontaktadresse. Der Anhang der Broschüre dokumentiert u.a. die bilateralen Verträge und städtepartnerschaftlichen Beziehungen sowie Handels- und Dienstleistungsunternehmen. (ifa)
World Affairs Online
In: Ensaio 27
In: Biblioteca Fundación Carlos Casares
In: Brazilian journal of political economy: Revista de economia política, Volume 31, Issue 5
ISSN: 0101-3157
In: Bundesgesetzblatt. Teil 2, Issue 6, p. 195-202
ISSN: 2194-2005
World Affairs Online
In: Bundesgesetzblatt. Teil 2, Issue 10, p. 471-475
ISSN: 2194-2005
World Affairs Online
The article attempts to consider the political and legal crisis that has been going on in Belarus for almost a year, in the context of the relationship between its causes and the quality of public administration. To this end, the authors identify modern approaches to understanding good governance. The indicators of management quality developed by authoritative international structures are indicated, on the basis of which it is possible not only to give an objective assessment of the quality of management in Belarus, but also to identify the most problematic positions. As shown in the paper, the main disadvantage of the quality of governance in Belarus is its authoritarian nature, which is manifested in the disregard for people's opinions and accountability. The process of gradual establishment of an authoritarian regime in the republic by means of the analysis of the chronology of the social and political events that took place in the republic during the last decades is clearly shown. In the final part of the work, the author draws attention to the factors that give stability to those regimes that can be attributed to information autocracies. In particular, it is the existence of state property and control over it as an instrument of power retention. The issue of its effectiveness (for example, state-owned enterprises) is not a priority for the country's leadership. The next factor is the presence of control over the political influence of deputies, checking the loyalty of people's deputies. In the system of government formed in Belarus, all elected officials, from village council deputies to parliament, are rigorously selected for their loyalty and lack of ambition. After that, they easily move from the vertical to the representative bodies (and back), occupying leadership positions in structures that mimic civil society. Finally, the third factor is the government's permanent desire to control the entire public sphere and the information space. The driving forces that have the potential to gradually weaken the ...
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