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U radu se naglašava potreba za novom regulacijom upravljanja zapisima u Republici Hrvatskoj. Opisuje se i analizira primjer Slovenije, koja je nakon osamostaljenja tri puta osuvremenjivala propise u tom području. Uspoređuju se hrvatski propisi i međunarodna norma, prihvaćena od Hrvatskog zavoda za norme kao nacionalnog normizacijskog tijela Republike Hrvatske. Naglašava se potreba primjene specifikacije MoReg – Model requirements for the management of electronic records, koja se primjenjuje u Europskoj uniji. Naznačuju se konkretne mjere koje treba ostvariti u okviru napora za modernizacijom propisa o upravljanju zapisima u Hrvatskoj. ; The necessity of new legal regulation of the records management in Croatia is stressed in the paper. The Slovenian example is described and analysed, having in mind that Slovenia modernised the respective legislation three times in the period after gaining independence. Current Croatian legislation and international standard on records management are compared. The Croatian standardisation institute and its role as national competent body are mentioned. There is a need for accepting MoReg – Model requirements for the management of electronic records, applied in the European Union. The author suggests the concrete measures that should be realised within efforts to modernise the respective Croatian legislation.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

The book analyzes international communication in all its aspects, emphasizing the need to address the process of communication from a global, comprehensive perspective. This global perspective allows understanding of all elements that make up and determines the dynamics of communication in the globalized world. Concepts such as internal communication, external communication, brand communication, image communication, verbal and non-verbal communication are essential in analyzing and interpreting the phenomenon of global communication, representing indispensable tools for companies and people who develop, work and act in multicultural contexts.

Normama se utvrđuju standardna obilježja proizvoda i njihove specifi kacije. Utvrđuju se konsenzusom svih zainteresiranih subjekata, od gospodarskih do tijela državne uprave. Njihova je primje na dragovolj na, ali značenje im je veliko, u Europskoj uniji povezano sa slobodom kretanja robe. Normizacijom se bavi niz međunarodnih, jednako kao i nacionalne normizacijske organizacije. U okviru Europske unije važni regulativni instrument u području normizacije predstavlja ju direktive novog pristupa. Hrvatska je značajno modernizirala zakonodavstvo u području norma te je značajno napredovala u procesu usklađivanja s tehničkim propisima Europske unije, europskom normizacijom, mjeriteljstvom i akreditacijom, kao i postupcima za ocjenu sukladnosti proizvoda. ; Norms and standards define standard product characteristics and their specifications. They are established by consensus of all interested parties, from businesses to state administrative bodies. Although their implementation is voluntary, they are extremely important, particularly in the European Union where they are essential for the free movement of goods. Numerous international and national organisations deal with standardisation. Within the EU, new approach directives are an important regulatory instrument of standardisation. Croatia has significantly modernised its legislation on standardisation and has made considerable progress in the process of harmonisation with technical regulations of the EU, European standardisation, measurement, and accreditation, as well as with the procedures for the assessment of product compatibility.

Negativni ishod referenduma o Ustavu Europske unije u Francuskoj i Nizozemskoj doveo je u žarište alternativu između preoblikovanja Europe u federativnu državu i njezinog zadržavanja statusa svojevrsne međunarodne organizacije. U radu se naglašava da je ta alternativa manje oštra nego što se čini. Europska je unija proces koji obje mogućnosti drži otvorenima. Europa se može istodobno razvijati i prema čvršćim strukturama u nekim područjima i prema većoj elastičnosti i prilagodljivosti u drugima: sigurnost, regulacija, javne službe, socijalna skrb, snaženje kapaciteta za ekonomsku kompeticiju, poboljšanje sposobnosti za suočavanje s globalnim izazovima. Uspoređuju se rezultati radova o upravljanju višerazinskim teritorijalnim sustavima, osobito u njemačkoj i američkoj tradiciji, u pogledu kapaciteta rješavanja problama u višerazinskim sustavima pod uvjetima pregovaranja i labave skopčanosti među razinama. U konačnici, taj je kapacitet važniji od formalnih obilježja europskog integracijskog oblika. ; The negative out come of the referenda about the European Constitution in France and the Netherlands have, apparently, put the alternative between the transformation of Europe in a federative State and its remaining an international organization in to sharper focus. The argument in this paper is that this alternative is less sharp than it might appear. The European Union is an evolving proces that keeps both alternatives open. Europe could move simultaneously towards tighter structures in some fields and towards greater elasticity and adaptivenes in others: security, regulation, public services, social benefits, increasing capacity for economic competition, better ability to face new global challenges. Work done about the govenance of multi level territorial systems, particularly in the German and American traditions, is compared from the point of view of the problem-solving capacity of multi level systems under conditions of bargaining and loose coupling among its levels. This capacity, in the final analysis, is more important than the formal attributes of the European construction.

U ovom se radu istražuje odnos između nacije, nacionalizma, građanstva i strategija europskih integracija. Propituje se problem odnosa između 'nacionalnog' i 'građanskog' aspekta u postojećoj nacionalnoj državi i problem odvajanja nacionalnog od građanskog u nekim opravdanjima transnacionalnih političkih integracija. Propituje se i teza nekih autora da su i nacija i država zapreka afirmaciji građanstva kao univerzalnog statusa u slobodi i jednakosti svih. Zapravo, analizira se krucijalno pitanje je li neka transnacionalna politička organizacija moguća kao "zajednica građana" prema konceptu 'konstitucionalnog patriotizma' ili kao internacionalna zajednica "društva narodā" s "pravom narodā" na pretpostavkama političkog liberalizma ili pristojno uređene državne vlasti. Autor analizira i pojam 'nacionalizma' te neopravdanost njegova proskribiranja per se. Na kraju komentira i analizira uočene nacionalne (nacionalističke) strategije integracije u Europsku uniju. ; This paper explores the relationship between the nation, nationalism, citizenship and European integration strategies. It addresses the problem of the relationship between the 'national' and 'civil' aspects of the existing nation state and the problem of separating the national from the civil in some justifications of transnational political integrations. It also examines the thesis of some authors who claim that both the nation and the state are obstacles to asserting citizenship as a universal status in the freedom and equality of all. In fact, it analyses the crucial issue whether a transnational political organisation is possible as a 'community of citizens' in line with the concept of 'constitutional patriotism', or as an international community in the sense of a 'Society of Peoples' with the 'right of nations' under the assumptions of political liberalism or of a properly ordered state government. The author also analyses the concept of 'nationalism' and the unjustifiableness of its proscription per se. In the final section, he comments on and ...

U državama zapadne Europe 1990-ih povećava se broj osoba koje traže međunarodnu zaštitu. Suočene s velikim iz bjegličkim krizama, a u kontekstu proklamirane slobode kretanjana području Europske unije i postojećih razlika u nacionalnim sustavima azila, države članice intenzivnije razvijaju suradnju na području azila i migracija. Do stupanja na snagu Ugovora iz Amsterdama 1. svibnja 1999. područje policijske i pravosudne suradnje u kaznenim stvarima pripadalo je tzv. »trećem stupu« prema kojem su politika azila, migracijska politika i politika vezana uz državljane trećih zemalja definirane samo kao »pitanja od zajedničkog interesa« i pripadala su u suverena prava država članica. Ugovorom iz Amsterdama ustonovljuje se »zajednički europski sustav azila«, a zajednička politika azila postaje dijelom »prvoga stupa«. Potpisivanjem Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju u procesu pridruživanja EU Republika Hrvatska preuzela je obvezu implementiranja načela i pravila pravne stečevine Europske unije u nacionalno zakonodavstvo, koja obuhvaća i pravila o azilu, u okviru Poglavlja 24.: Pravda, sloboda i sigurost. ; The number of individuals who sought international protection increased in the west European countries during the 1990s. Faced with huge refugee crises and bound by the proclaimed free movement of people in the EU territories and the differences in the national asylum systems, the Member States were developing intensive interstate co-operation in the fields of asylum and migrations. Before the Treaty of Amsterdam entered into force on May 1, 1999, police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters had belonged to the third pillar of the European Union. It meant that asylum policy, migration policy, and policy concerning citizens of the third countries defined merely as »the issues of mutual interest« and belonged to the sovereign rights of the Member States. The Treaty of Amsterdam established »Common European asylum system« and the common asylum policy became part of the first pillar. By signing the Stabilisation and Accession Agreement with the EU, Croatia has assumed the obligation to incorporate the principles and rules of the EU acquis communautaire in its legislation. This includes the asylum regulations contained in Chapter 24 »Justice, Freedom, and Security«.

Provedena znanstvena istraživanja upozorila su na visoke troškove ispunjavanja carinske obveze u Republici Hrvatskoj. Oni su, između ostalog, uzrokovani problemima vezanim uz carinsko osoblje te vrijeme trajanja carinskih postupaka. Kako je Carinska uprava bitan čimbenik u reguliranju odnosa u međunarodnoj trgovini i prometu robom između Republike Hrvatske i inozemstva, mora postići veću efikasnost koja će se ogledati u većoj brzini i pouzdanosti u provođenju postavljenih zadaća. Osim toga, pridruživanje Hrvatske Europskoj uniji imat će kao posljedicu pojavu konkurentskih uvjeta za hrvatsku carinsku službu za to što tvrtke iz država članica mogu birati mjesto gdje će provoditi carinske postupke, čime joj se postavljaju novi standardi poslovanja. Istraživanje organizacije hrvatske carinske službe rezultiralo je utvrđivanjem osnovnih nedostataka i kritičnih elemenata u njezinu radu. Predlaže se redefiniranje provođenja procesa osnivanjem procesnih timova prema izvršenju carinskog postupka kroz koordinaciju procesnih aktivnosti te primjenom centraliziranog sustava upravljanja rizicima. Time je moguće postići ekonomičniji način oblikovanja radnih procesa i skraćivanje vremena potrebnog za obavljanje carinskih postupaka. ; Scientific researches indicated high costs of customs compliance in Croatia, caused – among others – by problems connected with customs servants and duration of customs procedures. Customs Directorate presents an important factor in international trade and transit of goods between Croatia and foreign countries. It must achieve higher level of efficiency in a sense of faster and more reliable performances. Along with that, one of the consequences of accession of the Republic of Croatia to the European Union will be occurrence of competition, because companies from the European Union can choose place or country in which they will clear their goods. That will set up new standards of doing business. Researches of the Croatian customs service organization have emphasized basic lacks and critical elements of the existing business processes. Because of that, redefinition of such processes by forming process teams for executing clearance through coordination of process activities and by application of centralized system of risk management has been suggested in the paper. In that way it is possible to achieve more economy and faster customs clearances processes.

The study focuses on the analysis of a minor literature selection. My application, being determined by the nature of the selected theme (the major historical literature, which offers important interpretative reference points, usually does not appeal to the repertory characteristic of the historiographic and mythologizing imagery), is also conditioned by a personal concern pertaining to the resurgence, in recent years, of this type of imagery that usually affects the perception of historicity as well as the structuring of civil society. The themes of postcommunist Dacianism represent a thin catalog of theories and motives, which primarily aim to the reinvention of the traditional historiographic discourse through the reinterpretation of the older or more recent archaeological discoveries from a Dacianist perspective. The anti-Semitic themes from the post-communist discourse disseminated especially in connection to the instauration of the communist regime in Romania, are connected to the new radicalisms as well. Publishers that promote nationalist, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, and fictional along with historical Dacianist literature are also responsible for the dissemination of extremist ideas using Dacianist rhetoric. This minor literature, ignored by the academic establishment, but benefiting from a large segment of culture consumers, has had appeal especially among adolescents attracted by the soteriological profile of Dacian heroes. The influence of texts can be explained by the manner in which major themes of the national historical discourse are vulgarized and reinterpreted from the perspective of some rhetoric of crises. The search for heroes in an ancient and hypothetical "golden age" (we refer to the Pelasgic Empire) is part of the already obsolete repertoire of mythological reconstructions. The refuge in the past (in fact, a sign of maladjustment and the inability for social and identitary reformulation) and sacrifice become the reference points for the socio-cultural behavior proposed in a world, which is considered hostile and conspiring. Anti-Semitic attitudes go hand in hand with the instances of identitary exacerbation produced on the traditional basis of victimology, on the Orthodoxist-Dacianist exaltations. We cannot but to be astonished by the nationalist mixture, which paradoxically combine Dacianism and Orthodoxism, or Dacianism and alternative religions, the latter occurrence being also violently anti-Semitic through its rejection of Judaism as a subversive and unilateral religion. In conclusion, post-communist Dacianism (promoted especially by the Dacia Revival International Society ), as an answer to the identitary crisis, fits into the autochtonist historiographic trend, while more radical approaches (see the extremist publications and the books recently published especially by the "Obiectiv" Publishing House from Craiova) are somehow closely related to both the "interwar prophetism", which they vulgarize, and to the legionary mystique too.

Normalno stanje javne uprave nije stabilnost, nego promjena. Zato reforma javne uprave ne označuje nekakvo izvanredno stanje, nego njezine uobičajene »životne« uvjete. Reforma je temeljno načelo javne uprave. Samo kroz promjene institucija javna se uprava može prilagoditi zahtjevima i uvjetima društvene okoline. Opći cilj upravne reforme je promjena javne uprave u sustav koji sam od sebe reagira na promjene zadataka koji mu se postavljaju i automatski prilagođuje okvir donošenja odluka. Reforma javne uprave mora biti usklađena s političkom racionalnošću i efikasnošću. Važnost i izraženost političkih ciljeva može se razlikovati, a ovisi o pitanjima koja su politički relevantna. Ponekad je to viša razina demokracije i sudjelovanja građana, ponekad poboljšanje javnih usluga, ponekad ograničenje državnih odgovornosti putem deregulacije i privatizacije. Ti su ciljevi suprotstavljeni jedni drugima, jednako kao i reforme javne uprave koje ih pokušavaju doseći. Zbog tih se suprotstavljenosti ne može lako odgovoriti na pitanje jesu li upravne reforme dobre ili loše. One su ujedno i razlog zašto upravne reforme obično ne dobivaju opću podršku čim se ne svode na mjere pukog tehničkog poboljšavanja javne uprave. Nema sumnje da su noviji pokušaji reformi javne uprave u Austriji pozitivni. Austrija poduzima mjere usklađene s trendovima u drugim zemljama usmjerenima prema ograničavanju državnih odgovornosti i poboljšanju efikasnosti javne uprave. Osobito je okvirna primjena akcijskog programa utemeljenog na novom javnom menadžmentu pokazatelj volje i sposobnosti javnih aktera da moderniziraju javnu upravu. U tom se kontekstu može zapaziti da se pojedinci zahvaćeni reformskim mjerama ne opiru znatnije njihovu ostvarenju. Jasno je da se ne mogu ostvariti svi reformski koncepti. Akteri su često prisiljeni na kompromise i djelomično prihvaćanje suprotnih gledišta. Uzevši u obzir sve te aspekte, razumljivo je da novije upravne reforme ne mogu biti zasnovane na jednom općem konceptu obilježenom logičnom usklađenošću svih mjera, nego su projekti koji se sastoje od više dijelova s različitom mjerom ostvarenja. Zato se sadašnje reforme u Austriji ne mogu smatrati uspjehom, nego više od toga – obećanjem za budućnost. ; Reform is the constituting principle of public administration. It is only by this institutional mobility that public administration is able to meet the changing requirements of society. The reform of public administration must comply with political rationality and efficiency. The importance and significance of these goals may differ and depend on the relevant political issues. Sometimes it may be a higher level of democracy and participation, sometimes the improvement of social performances, sometimes reduction of state responsibility by means of deregulation and privatisation. These goals contradict each other as do public reforms themselves. The international trend to reduce state responsibilities and to make public administration more efficient has been met by measures that have also been taken in Austria. In particular, the (tentative) implementation of the action programme provided by the New Public Management is a signal for the will and ability of all public actors to modernize public administration. It is evident that the reform concepts could not be realized one to one. The actors were often forced to compromise and to meet the opponents halfway. It is also understandable that the recent public reform cannot be seen as a general concept characterized by logical consistency but as a project consisting of several parts with different levels of realization. Therefore, the ongoing reforms in Austria do not only have to be seen as a success but more than this as a promise for the future.