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In his examination of the basic coordinates of Croatian foreign policy, the author points to the need for good neighborly relations -- through the mechanism of the Conference on Security & Cooperation in Europe -- with the countries that were, until recently, parts of the former Yugoslavia as well as with those that became independent long ago. He stresses the need to develop relationships with the great powers, especially with the US, & to develop bilateral relationships with nonaligned countries. One of the aims is to develop good relations with Europe through economic & political links as well as cooperation in matters concerning security. The subregional frameworks of international cooperation in which Croatia participates appear to be insufficient for solving political & security questions. Special consideration ought to be devoted to NATO as a mechanism that could protect the security of Croatia. As a new state, Croatia must demonstrate that, in both its internal development & its international activities, it is ready to fulfill the obligations imposed by its membership in the UN. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes the political situation & the relations among the victorious powers following WWII as well as their intention to create such an international organization for protecting peace & security, which would avoid the shortcomings of its predecessor, the League of Nations. Though this goal has been only partly achieved, the Organization of the United Nations has significantly contributed in preventing many political crises to escalate into wider conflicts. Adapted from the source document.

Shaping national interests is of strategic & political significance for a state. In this process, economic, ideological, military, cultural, & other variable & invariable factors are intertwined. Their realization brings states into contact with other states. When one or several interests of one state run counter to the interests & objectives of another state, conflicts arise. This makes the protection of interests vital. States organize the protection of interests by means of a system of national security. National interests are values & objectives directed toward the development of a national community, while national security is an activity organized for their protection. A rational & realistic definition of national interests & the mechanisms of their protection are important elements of the stability of states & the international community. Adapted from the source document.

In its 45 years of existence, NATO has evolved dramatically. This has occurred due to the changes happening within the alliance itself (increased number of member countries, changes within the countries, & in the relations among them) & to the influence of outside factors ensuing from the developments in international relations in general & within the adversarial bloc in particular. The cessation of the Cold War & the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact in the early 1990s confronted NATO with new challenges, particularly in relation to the countries of Eastern & Southeastern Europe & Russia. The fact that the document "Partnership for Peace" was adopted at the start of 1994 (representing a platform for the relations with the countries of "new democracy") & that it was signed by 26 countries meant the overall acceptance of the conceptual document of European security on the threshold of the 21st century. This document provides democratic countries outside NATO with the possibility of cooperating with its political & military bodies & paves the way for their full membership. If regular criteria were applied, Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina could count on joining "Partnership for Peace" only after they have resolved internal conflicts & frictions with their neighbors by political means. Nevertheless, depending on further developments in the region, it is possible that Croatia might jump the queue & be accepted in "Partnership for Peace" before its turn. 2 Tables, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Seen in its totality, the defense system of France is enclosed within the NATO pact. The French do not deny this & even stress it as a fact of essential significance, because the mutual support & solidarity with allies in case of danger & aggression is a matter of interest to all. An analysis of the French conception of national security shows nevertheless that the stress is on independence, especially where making decisions about the use of particular forces (nuclear ones, in particularly) & the use of its territory by its allies. The French cherish their alliance, but in ways that will allow them to decide their own destiny without being obligated to accept common solutions & decisions on the part of the organs of the NATO pact. This fact explains the heightened interest for the study of the conception of national security & the defense system of France & its specific features when compared to the defense systems of other countries within NATO. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

After the collapse of the bipolar world, multilateral initiatives & organizations entered a state of crisis, but at the same time, their importance increased. The author analyzes one form of multilateral involvement, the UN peacekeeping operations. In the last five years, their number has significantly increased, with the most important one in the territory of former Yugoslavia. Although many aspects of that operation are negative, in the future, they might prove useful for the reform of the concept of peacekeeping operations. The author particularly emphasizes the necessity for these peacekeeping operations to make a shift from the prevention of hostilities toward the imposition of peace, as well as the need to separate this aim from humanitarian activities, which should be assigned to specialized international organizations. The peacekeeping operations should evolve into a sort of multilateral interventionism that, while undoubtedly restricting individual states' sovereignty, strives to establish order. They could be supplemented with other means of pressure at the UN's disposal: sanctions, diplomatic isolation, or arms control. Adapted from the source document.

The author presents the conditions in which Slovenia achieved independence: the break up of communism in Yugoslavia & the decision of the Slovene people for democracy; the threat of Greater Serbian policy & the strength of communism in the so-called Yugoslavia; & the international community's lack of understanding. In spite of unfavorable conditions, Slovenia became an independent state thanks to the successful defense against the aggression of the JNA (Yugoslav People's Army). After the brief conflict, a high degree of political stability was reached (in spite of the high number of parliamentary political parties), & a successful economic policy was established. Slovenia has a common interest with Croatia in international relations. The author emphasizes that Slovene-Croat relations can be advanced through systematic solving of potential conflicts: the determination of the exact border; obstacles to economic cooperation; protection of property rights; the status of the nuclear plant "Krsko"; & the debt of the Bank of Ljubljana. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the causes of the break-up of Yugoslavia & shows that the main cause was the expansion of the Greater-Serbia idea, but was also contributed to by a number of internal problems & changes in the international scene. After the break-up of Yugoslavia, a number of processes are still active & generating conflict: the goal of Serbian expansionists to create a Greater Serbia; the lack of a solution to the Bosnian conflict; the Albanian desire for an independent Kosovo state; Muslim aims of autonomy in Sandjak; a growing sovereignty movement in Montenegro; & continuing Serbian pressure on Macedonia. The author concludes that decisive international intervention is necessary to prevent deepened conflict & its spread to neighboring countries. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author considers Croatia's priority in foreign affairs to be the establishment of peace & reintegration of occupied Croatian territory. The international community lent its support to solving Croatia's problems only with certain conditions attached: respect for human & democratic rights, especially the rights of minorities; & respect for the integrity of other countries. The basic problem faced by the international community is that since the end of the East-West polar orientations, there is no concept for solving the conflicts that have erupted in postcommunist countries. In Croatia, the war was viewed (wrongly) as a civil war. The controversy in the Croatian policy, as seen by the author, is in the requirement for absolute adherence to democratic principles, which is difficult to realize in times of war, & in the acceptance of complete democracy as a precondition to peaceful reintegration of occupied Croatian territory. Adapted from the source document.

One of the rules of international economic relations is that small countries are more dependent on intense international economic cooperation than are large states. This cooperation is not, in principle, completely liberalized, but depends on a number of multilateral & bilateral agreements. Aspiring to put in order its own economic position internationally, Croatia was first directed to regulate its relations with the European community. In these efforts, Croatia was faced with unequal treatment compared to Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, & Slovenia. The author shows that this unfavorable attitude toward Croatia is partially the result of political demands & the interests of the European community. Adapted from the source document.

For the political principle defining the political will of fascism, survival of a national state (regardless of whether it already exists or is to be formed; in the latter case, this gives legitimacy to antagonism) is sufficient reason for the unconditional imperative of political activity. The concept of the state underlying the political activity of fascism is solely an empirical notion or a sensory concept of community. Another more paramount reason is transcendental, unfeasible, as it were. According to the same nation-building principle, another nation, within & without a particular state, is a priori suspicious, since it must be striving to create its own state by encroaching on another nation's state. Thus, this fascist political principle, which wants to turn this nationalist maxim into a constitutive principle, cannot ensure either internal (ie, a state) or external peace & perishes in a civil or world war. For antifascist activity, however, it is not central whether it takes place in this or that state. The basis of antifascism is the concept of the state that, in its most positive & purest form, came to the fore in bourgeois political thought. In it, the central concept of the state, considering the rationale for the existence of a state, is clean-cut & thus, general, although a possible historical existence of a state is empirical & particular. The fundamental motive of antifascism is not national & patriotic but primarily moral & political, & possibly (derivatively) patriotic. Which state deserves to exist is determined by external social conditions for the realization of the concept of freedom. This makes room for the formation of broader multinational unions, even federal states. The world federation is a bourgeois political ideal, whose realization represents the ultimate purpose of world history. Adapted from the source document.

Since its initiation, the European Community has been facing the same problem -- nationalism on the level of state interests. This problem has prevented the establishment of the Community's political system, endangered the efficiency of its legal system, & reduced the effectiveness of its economic system. In the absence of a political system of its own, the regulatory process in the Community depends almost completely on the national interests of the member states. Consequently, every addition of new states to the Community manifests itself also as a struggle for potential new allies. Croatia therefore faces two interconnected tasks: to achieve the consensus of the member states necessary for the signing of the association contract & to secure the satisfaction of its national interests while not affecting the balance of their interests. Adapted from the source document.

Changes in the European Community will have far-reaching consequences for Croatia's relations with this association. The basic preoccupation of the European Community is to establish order within its own ranks in the context of the European Union Contract. It is therefore unrealistic to expect Croatia to become a full member of this association, at least in the next ten years. There are, however, numerous ways of adaptation to the requirements of the market that the European Community fosters within the relationships among its own members; Croatia ought systematically to apply these while introducing changes into its economic system. Adapted from the source document.