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Međunarodni kazneni sud novo je međunarodno tijelo kojem je glavni cilj istraga i suđenje slučajeva genocida, ratnih zločina, te zločina protiv čovječnosti u zemljama članicama. Iako su Sjedinjene Američke Države u 2000. potpisale Rimski statut, međunarodnu povelju iz 1998. koja predstavlja osnovicu Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, Busheva vlada napravila je velik zaokret godinu dana kasnije, potpuno se ograđujući od svake ideje o suđenju Amerikancima izvan zemlje. Tekst analizira glavne argumente američke vanjske politike povezane s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom, od navodne pristranosti Suda, te odnosa između Suda i Ujedinjenih naroda, pa sve do pitanja američkog suvereniteta. Također, ponuđena je i međunarodnopravna politička kritika nedavnih poteza američke vlade, koji štete i američkim nacionalnim interesima, i međunarodnoj sigurnosti. ; The International Criminal Court is a new international body constituted with the aim of prosecuting and trying cases of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Although in 2000 the United States signed the 1998 Rome Statute, which is the foundation of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration took a radically different position the following year, protecting itself from any idea of trying American citizens abroad. This text analyses the main U.S. foreign policy arguments pertaining to the ICC, from the alleged impartiality of the Court and the relationship between the Court and the United Nations, to the question of American sovereignty. In addition, the text offers an international legal and political critique of the recent U.S. policy actions, which harmed both American national interests, as well as international security.

Protectionism is a system of measures used for the purpose of protecting domestic manufacturers from foreign competition. It has emerged simultaneously with the international exchange of goods. The contemporary protectionist policy and practice imposes the necessity of studying this phenomenon in the light of the current situation and conditions. Agricultural protectionism seems to be a particularly significant issue in the international exchange of commodities. ; Protekcionizam označava sustav mjera ekonomske države sa ciljem zaštite domaće proizvodnje u odnosu na konkurenciju inozemnih proizvođača. Javlja se nakon pojave međunarodne razmjene. Međutim, suvremena protekcionistička politika i praksa obavezuje da se istražuje fenomen protekcionizma u suvremenim uvjetima. Posebno je u suvremenoj teoriji za međunarodnu razmjenu značajan agrarni protekcionizam.

U radu se naglašava potreba za novom regulacijom upravljanja zapisima u Republici Hrvatskoj. Opisuje se i analizira primjer Slovenije, koja je nakon osamostaljenja tri puta osuvremenjivala propise u tom području. Uspoređuju se hrvatski propisi i međunarodna norma, prihvaćena od Hrvatskog zavoda za norme kao nacionalnog normizacijskog tijela Republike Hrvatske. Naglašava se potreba primjene specifikacije MoReg – Model requirements for the management of electronic records, koja se primjenjuje u Europskoj uniji. Naznačuju se konkretne mjere koje treba ostvariti u okviru napora za modernizacijom propisa o upravljanju zapisima u Hrvatskoj. ; The necessity of new legal regulation of the records management in Croatia is stressed in the paper. The Slovenian example is described and analysed, having in mind that Slovenia modernised the respective legislation three times in the period after gaining independence. Current Croatian legislation and international standard on records management are compared. The Croatian standardisation institute and its role as national competent body are mentioned. There is a need for accepting MoReg – Model requirements for the management of electronic records, applied in the European Union. The author suggests the concrete measures that should be realised within efforts to modernise the respective Croatian legislation.

The article is devoted to the doctrine & practice of the Law of Treaties. The author focuses his attention on the following four topics: (l) the Treaties & third States or third international organizations; (2) the Treaties that provide rights for third States or third international organizations; (3) the Treaties that set out obligations for third States or third international organizations. He pays special attention to the most-favored-nation clause. The author gives interpretations of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969 & the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties between States & International Organizations or between International Organizations 1986. References. Adapted from the source document.

In his examination of the basic coordinates of Croatian foreign policy, the author points to the need for good neighborly relations -- through the mechanism of the Conference on Security & Cooperation in Europe -- with the countries that were, until recently, parts of the former Yugoslavia as well as with those that became independent long ago. He stresses the need to develop relationships with the great powers, especially with the US, & to develop bilateral relationships with nonaligned countries. One of the aims is to develop good relations with Europe through economic & political links as well as cooperation in matters concerning security. The subregional frameworks of international cooperation in which Croatia participates appear to be insufficient for solving political & security questions. Special consideration ought to be devoted to NATO as a mechanism that could protect the security of Croatia. As a new state, Croatia must demonstrate that, in both its internal development & its international activities, it is ready to fulfill the obligations imposed by its membership in the UN. Adapted from the source document.

Switzerland's major contribution to the shaping of neutrality as an institution of international law lies in its centuries-old practice & its international recognition. However, Swiss neutrality still conforms to the classical military/political conflict, since in the past, it proved to be a successful security/political instrument in the protection of independence & territorial integrity. In the contemporary international/global constellation, there is almost no room for a neutral stance due to the global interdependence within the international community & the collective security, on the one hand, & the new threats & dangers lacking a classical military dimension, on the other. All this is conducive to the solidarity & cooperation whose purpose is protection, which requires international security/political efforts in securing peace. The Swiss government is of the opinion that participation in a collective security system such as the UN does not run counter to its permanent neutrality, since the UN Charter forbids war & does not recognize it as a means of the international regulation of conflicts. Also, the UN Charter does not oblige member countries to participate in any coercive military measure. Finally, by the admittance of the permanently neutral Austria into the UN, the practice has proved that neutrality & the collective security are compatible. On several occasions, the Swiss have raised the issue of UN membership; in the 1986 referendum, the Swiss citizens voted against this proposal, while on 3 Mar 2000, they voted in favor of it; the only other country besides Switzerland not in the UN is the Vatican. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.