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International audience ; The arrangements offered by international community as solutions to Yugoslav dissolution process have significantly affected the development of the Kosovo conflict. These policies failed to produce consensus between the parties in conflict, instead, as the paper demonstrate, they played the role of a catalyst in the initiation of the conflict. This paper, by offering a detailed reconstruction of the process by which the international community tried to settle the Kosovo case, demonstrates how the dynamics of the conflict interacted dynamically with international community attitudes and policies towards the case. The paper discusses the attitudes and policies of international community toward the Kosovo case underlining its attachment to traditional prerequisites of international order instead of inherited causes of conflict. There are three important events that underline the interference of international community in the case of Kosovo before the war: the Conference on Yugoslavia that followed up the creation of the Badinter Committee, the Dayton Agreement and the Rambouillet Talks. These events are explained in details in three separate sections since they have immediate implications for the situation in Kosovo and consequently for the development of the conflict. We first discuss the contribution of existing normative framework to models of international community behavior and their effects in the case of Kosovo conflict following with the reaction of the conflicting parties towards offered arrangements. Both moments are assumed to be of importance in providing a larger picture in the understanding of the outgrowth of Kosovo conflict.

International audience ; The arrangements offered by international community as solutions to Yugoslav dissolution process have significantly affected the development of the Kosovo conflict. These policies failed to produce consensus between the parties in conflict, instead, as the paper demonstrate, they played the role of a catalyst in the initiation of the conflict. This paper, by offering a detailed reconstruction of the process by which the international community tried to settle the Kosovo case, demonstrates how the dynamics of the conflict interacted dynamically with international community attitudes and policies towards the case. The paper discusses the attitudes and policies of international community toward the Kosovo case underlining its attachment to traditional prerequisites of international order instead of inherited causes of conflict. There are three important events that underline the interference of international community in the case of Kosovo before the war: the Conference on Yugoslavia that followed up the creation of the Badinter Committee, the Dayton Agreement and the Rambouillet Talks. These events are explained in details in three separate sections since they have immediate implications for the situation in Kosovo and consequently for the development of the conflict. We first discuss the contribution of existing normative framework to models of international community behavior and their effects in the case of Kosovo conflict following with the reaction of the conflicting parties towards offered arrangements. Both moments are assumed to be of importance in providing a larger picture in the understanding of the outgrowth of Kosovo conflict.

Im Winter 2014/15 kam es zu einem beachtlichen Exodus aus dem Kosovo. Diese Massenmigration hat Auswirkungen nicht nur im Kosovo, sondern auch in den Zielländern, und sie wirft Fragen nach den Auslösern und möglichen Implikationen auf. Der vorliegende Policy Brief identifiziert und analysiert Antriebskräfte und einige Besonderheiten dieses Phänomens. Hauptauslöser der Massenmigration ist aus unserer Sicht ein Staatsversagen. Der große Enthusiasmus und die Hoffnungen der jungen kosovarischen Nation konnten nicht aufrechterhalten und erfolgreich in eine nachhaltige Entwicklung umgewandelt werden. Vielmehr hat sich eine hohe Frustration über die politische Kaste und die vorherrschende Vetternwirtschaft und Korruption angestaut, die selbst die Mittelschicht in die Emigration treibt. Der Migrationsansturm wurde zusätzlich durch erleichterte Reisebedingungen und Gerüchte, z. B. über unkomplizierte Asylregelungen, angetrieben, die einen regelrechten Schneeballeffekt auslösten. Den politischen Entscheidungsträgern in der EU empfehlen wir einen gelassenen und bedachten Umgang mit der Massenmigration. Änderungen in den Asyl- und Visaregelungen sind angeraten, erfordern aber eine kluge zeitliche Abfolge der Umsetzung. Legale, möglicherweise temporäre Migrationsmöglichkeiten sollten in Betracht gezogen werden, um eine unerwünschte Krisensituation im Kosovo nicht zu verstärken. Im Kosovo selbst müssen als Antwort auf die Abwanderung endlich bestehende Strukturen aufgebrochen und die Korruption bekämpft werden, denn nur leistungsfähige Institutionen und funktionierende Sozialsysteme können dem Land helfen, den wirtschaftlichen Stillstand und die Perspektivlosigkeit zu überwinden.

Despite long traditions for contact with Latin America, increasing trade and investments in the region and important contributions to the recent peace process in Colombia, Latin America is often depicted as a "forgotten region" in Norway. Through a series of thematic analyses of the extent of Norway's contacts with Latin America, the authors of this anthology seeks to correct this perceived image of a "forgotten region". - På tross av lange tradisjoner for kontakt med Latin-Amerika, økende handel og investeringer i Latin-Amerika og viktige bidrag og engasjement i fredsprosessen i Colombia, blir ofte Latin-Amerika fremstilt som en glemt region her hjemme. Forfatterne av denne boken søker å korrigere dette inntrykket gjennom en rekke tematiske analyser som viser bredden av vår kontakt med regionen.

This essay offers a succinct but comprehensive overview of Icelandic cinema from its early 20th-century emergence to the present day. Split into two parts, the first half focusses on filmmaking in Iceland prior to the founding of the Icelandic Film Fund in 1978, which was to establish a continuous local film production for the first time. Prior to that filmmaking in Iceland boiled down to the occasional efforts of local amateurs, albeit often quite skilled ones, and professional filmmakers visiting from abroad. Indeed, the few silent feature films made in the country all stemmed from foreign filmmakers adapting Icelandic literature and taking advantage of its photogenic landscapes. The first Icelandic feature was not made until 1948 and although immensely popular, like those that followed in its wake, the national audience was simply too small to sustain filmmaking without financial support. Although this changed fundamentally with the Icelandic Film Fund, which instigated contemporary Icelandic cinema and the subject of the essay's second half, the Fund's support proved insufficient as the novelty of Icelandic cinema began to wear off at the local box office in the late 1980s. The rescue came from outside sources, in the form of nordic and European film funds, whose support was to transnationalize Icelandic cinema in terms of not only financing and production but also themes and subject material. These changes are most apparent in Icelandic cinema of the 1990s which also began to garner interest at the international film festival circuit. In the first decade of the twenty first century, however, American genre cinema began to replace the European art film as the typical model for Icelandic filmmakers. Hollywood itself also began to show extensive interest in Icelandic landscapes for its runaway productions, as did many other foreign film crews. In this way Icelandic cinema is increasingly characterized by not only national and transnational elements but also international ones.

Kosningaréttur er grundvallarréttur þegna í lýðræðisríkjum og þátttaka í kosningum álitin ein af mikilvægustu athöfnum borgaranna. Þó að þessi réttindi skuli tryggð öllum þegnum sýna alþjóðlegar rannsóknir að fatlað fólk er víða útilokað frá þátttöku í kosningum. Fatlað fólk er síður líklegt til að kjósa en ófatlað fólk og mætir iðulega ýmsum hindrunum ef það reynir að taka þátt í kosningum. Þessi grein fjallar um kosningaþátttöku fatlaðs fólks með hliðsjón af niðurstöðum alþjóðlegra rannsókna. Í upphafi eru raktar helstu hindranir í vegi kosningaþátttöku fatlaðs fólks og leitast við að svara hvaða áhrif þessar hindranir hafi, ekki aðeins fyrir fatlaða borgara, heldur jafnframt hvað það þýði fyrir heilbrigði lýðræðis og lýðræðislegra stofnana þegar hluti þegnanna mætir alvarlegum hindrunum varðandi borgaraleg grundvallarréttindi. Íslenskar rannsóknir á þessu sviði eru ekki fyrir hendi og engin skipuleg tölfræðileg gögn eru til varðandi þátttöku fatlaðs fólks í kosningum eða stjórnmálum hér á landi. Byggt á gögnum sem aflað var hjá tveimur fjölmennustu heildarsamtökum fatlaðs fólks hér á landi er rýnt í reynslu, aðstæður og möguleika fatlaðs fólks til þátttöku í kosningum á Íslandi, lagasetningar þar að lútandi og skyldur ríkisins til að stuðla að og tryggja þátttöku fatlaðs fólks í stjórnmálum og opinberu lífi, ekki síst í ljósi þess að Samningur Sameinuðu þjóðanna (SÞ) um réttindi fatlaðs fólks (SRFF) hefur verið fullgiltur hér á landi ; The right to vote is a fundamental right of citizenship in democratic nations, and participation in elections in one of the most important acts undertaken by citizens. Although these rights are guaranteed to all citizens, international research shows that disabled people are widely excluded from participation in elections. Disabled people are less likely to vote than non-disabled people and often encounter various obstacles when they try to participate in elections. This article discusses the voting participation of disabled people in consideration of the international research. The main barriers that disabled people encounter in the voting process will first be outlined. This will be followed by questions concerning the effects these obstacles produce, not only for disabled citizens, but what this means overall for the health of democracy and democratic institutions when a portion of the citizenry encounter serious obstacles concerning their basic civil rights. Icelandic research in this field is extremely limited and no systematic statistical data exists on the participation of disabled people in elections, or politics in general, in this country. Based on data drawn from sources from two of the largest disabled people's organization in the country, the focus here is on the experiences, circumstances and opportunities for disabled people to participate in elections in the country. The findings draw attention to the obligations of the state to promote and ensure the participation of disabled people in politics and public life in light of the recent ratification in Iceland of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) ; Peer Reviewed

This article discusses the phenomenon of self-harming or "non-Suicidal Self-In-jury" (nSSI). The International Society for the Study of Self-Injury defines non-sui cidal self-injury as the deliberate, self-inflicted damage of body tissue without suicidal intent and for purposes not socially or culturally sanctioned." The article discusses the cultural and social representations of self-injury, what is implied in it, who engages in it, and for what reasons. A lot can be deduced from interviews with self-harmers who use it to gain control over bad feelings and stress, by hurting their body and participating in risky behaviour. This dangerous activity often has more complicated sides with reference to rituals and spiritual associations to bloodletting, cleansing of all evil and healing, absolution and much wanted peace of mind. Finally, the changes in self-harming discourse and channels of communication are discussed. It has opened up during the last two decades with the arrival of social media. The self-harmers have built their own subcultures with special aesthetics and often preferring theatrical staging or performances instead of verbal expres-sion. These channels can have an uncanny power and influence over young and vulnerable people. The conclusion of the article is that all this requires an informed discussion as a special world, a special angst which is expressing itself in ways that might develop into suicidal behaviour if it is not taken seriously.

Not since the 1940s have more people been on the move than today – across borders or in their own country. People flee from rebellion and war, but many also emigrate because they are looking for work and because they dream of a better life. In recent years, Norway has received large numbers of immigrants and has become a multicultural society. The lectures of ten researchers at a seminar entitled På vandring og på flukt. Migrasjon i historisk perspektiv (On the move and fleeing. Migration in a historical perspective) in 2016 allow the history of migration to be seen in a long historical perspective. The first lectures were devoted to emigration as a phenomenon with a long time span, while the later ones focused more strongly on the situation in recent years, with large-scale immigration and the emergence of a multicultural Norway. All the lectures saw the movement of people and its consequences against the background of the international situation, both in a historical perspective and in the context of our contemporary world. This is also the case with this anthology. - Ikke siden andre verdenskrig har flere mennesker vært på vandring og på flukt – over landegrenser eller innenfor eget land. Mennesker flykter fra opprør og krig. Men mange bryter også opp fra sitt hjemsted og flytter fordi de søker arbeid og drømmer om et bedre liv. De siste årene har vi opplevd at flere enn noen gang har stått ved våre grenser for å komme inn. Norge er blitt et flerkulturelt samfunn. Mange innvandrere har kommet til Norge opp gjennom tidene. Noen har vært på flukt, men flere har kommet for å finne arbeid. Eksempelvis kom det mange svensker over grensen til Øst- og Sørlandet sent på 1800-tallet og tidlig på 1900-tallet. I tidligere århundrer var det likevel ikke innvandring, men tvert imot utvandring som dominerte. Nordmenn reiste til Holland for å søke arbeid på 16- og 1700-tallet, og til Amerika på 18- og 1900-tallet. Mange vendte tilbake, men de fleste bosatte seg permanent i det nye landet. Korttidsutvandring til Spania er et fenomen som har preget vår nyere historie. Foredragene til ti forskere på Agderseminaret 2016 gjorde at noen lange linjer kunne trekkes gjennom de siste århundrenes migrasjonshistorie. De første foredragene var viet utvandringen, mens de siste fokuserte sterkere på situasjon de senere årene med stor innvandring og et flerkulturelt Norge. Den internasjonale situasjonen, før og nå, dannet rammen rundt. Slik er også denne antologien disponert.