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A discussion of the impact of international migration on international relations considers how state actions shape population movements; what causes population movements to result in cooperation or conflicts; & how governments respond to population flows. It is suggested that the response of a state to international migration often affects that state's relations with other countries; a state's exit/entry rules affect international migration; & international migrants often become a political force in their country of destination. The concept of sovereignty as it relates to neoclassical economic ideas is explored to help shed light on how states influence international migration. The most common types of entry/exit rules are described to illustrate how they influence the magnitude, composition, & directionality of international migration, as well as relations between states. Consideration is also given to the political impact of international migrants on migration policies & how notions of sovereignty are being transformed under the new global realities. J. Lindroth

A discussion of the impact of international migration on international relations considers how state actions shape population movements; what causes population movements to result in cooperation or conflicts; & how governments respond to population flows. It is suggested that the response of a state to international migration often affects that state's relations with other countries; a state's exit/entry rules affect international migration; & international migrants often become a political force in their country of destination. The concept of sovereignty as it relates to neoclassical economic ideas is explored to help shed light on how states influence international migration. The most common types of entry/exit rules are described to illustrate how they influence the magnitude, composition, & directionality of international migration, as well as relations between states. Consideration is also given to the political impact of international migrants on migration policies & how notions of sovereignty are being transformed under the new global realities. J. Lindroth

In this chapter, the author examines the changes made to America's national security strategy in the wake of 9/11. The author argues that the Bush Doctrine has caused more damage to both US & international security than it has to improve these issues. The embrace of preventive war, unilateralism, & militarism has damaged the traditional fabrics of international relations. D. Miller

Das Kernproblem internationaler Querschnittstudien ist das Problem der Vergleichbarkeit. Hier setzt der Beitrag an. Nachdem einleitend Beispiele für international vergleichende Forschungsprojekte vorgestellt worden sind, behandelt der Beitrag typische Aspekte des Forschungsdesigns bei Querschnittstudien, Fragen der Planung und Organisation der Datengewinnung, den Einfluss unterschiedlicher nationaler Rahmenbedingungen, die Bedeutung kultureller Faktoren, Aspekte der Standardisierung, die Umsetzung des Forschungsdesigns sowie Datenanalyse und Berichterstattung über die Ergebnisse. Die Verfasser betonen abschließend die Notwendigkeit, sich über die idealen Designeigenschaften international vergleichender Untersuchungen klar zu werden, den Einfluss dieser Eigenschaften auf die Forschungsergebnisse zu kennen und Grundlagen eines stabil und vorhersehbar ablaufenden Forschungsprozesses zu schaffen. (ICE)

Argues that the 1999 international military intervention in East Timor was strikingly different from the international intervention in Kosovo during the same year. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) intervened in Kosovo over the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's claim to sovereignty that NATO insisted it would continue to recognize. In contrast, although Indonesia's claim to sovereignty over East Timor was not recognized by the UN, the international community claimed Indonesia's consent was necessary for intervention. Attention is called to the extreme suffering of the people of East Timor during the years of non-intervention; Indonesia's resistance to any international security presence in East Timor; & Indonesian President B.J. Habibie's decision to allow the East Timorese to choose between autonomy within Indonesia or independence. The violence that erupted after the ballot prompted criticisms that Australia, the US, & the UN should have exerted more pressure on Indonesia to accept an international force to maintain security in East Timor. Further contrasts between the East Timor & Kosovo interventions are pointed out along with their implications for humanitarian interventions. J. Lindroth

The findings of the UN International Migration Report 2002, which provides an overview of international migration levels, trends & policies, indicate that 175 million persons (about 3 percent of the world population) are currently living in a country other than where they were born. Sixty percent of these migrants are living in more developed regions with the greatest number living in Europe (56 million), Asia (50 million), & North America (41 million). The four countries with the highest proportion of migrants are the United Arab Emirates (74 percent), Kuwait (58 percent), Jordan (40 percent), & Israel (37 percent). Growing concerns about the economic, social, & political impact of immigration has led developed countries to enact more restrictive policies & many developing countries are moving in the same direction. International conventions & protocols that have been developed to protect migrants are reviewed. Although migration information remains incomplete & often inaccurate, the UN is facilitating a dialogue among nations in order to develop efficient capacities to deal with challenges related to international migration. Tables. J. Lindroth

The findings of the UN International Migration Report 2002, which provides an overview of international migration levels, trends & policies, indicate that 175 million persons (about 3 percent of the world population) are currently living in a country other than where they were born. Sixty percent of these migrants are living in more developed regions with the greatest number living in Europe (56 million), Asia (50 million), & North America (41 million). The four countries with the highest proportion of migrants are the United Arab Emirates (74 percent), Kuwait (58 percent), Jordan (40 percent), & Israel (37 percent). Growing concerns about the economic, social, & political impact of immigration has led developed countries to enact more restrictive policies & many developing countries are moving in the same direction. International conventions & protocols that have been developed to protect migrants are reviewed. Although migration information remains incomplete & often inaccurate, the UN is facilitating a dialogue among nations in order to develop efficient capacities to deal with challenges related to international migration. Tables. J. Lindroth

Argues that microanalytic & macroanalytic migration theories both tend to ignore the political dimension of international migrations. A political perspective approach to migration issues is offered that incorporates some of the most useful aspects of micro- & macro- theories by emphasizing the transfer of jurisdiction as the constitutive element of international migrations. International migration is viewed as a "deviance from the prevailing norm of social organization at the world level." It is suggested that international migration can best be understood as a social phenomenon that includes tension between the preferences of individuals & the interests of societies. Any thorough evaluation of the costs & benefits of migration requires an examination of both individual & collective accounts. The analytical ramifications of the political perspective are pointed out, noting that it is also an effective framework for analyzing the behavior of societies. The implications of the conflict between the freedom to leave deprived regions of the world & the freedom of more fortunate countries to preserve their favorable endowment by restricting entry are discussed. J. Lindroth

Argues that microanalytic & macroanalytic migration theories both tend to ignore the political dimension of international migrations. A political perspective approach to migration issues is offered that incorporates some of the most useful aspects of micro- & macro- theories by emphasizing the transfer of jurisdiction as the constitutive element of international migrations. International migration is viewed as a "deviance from the prevailing norm of social organization at the world level." It is suggested that international migration can best be understood as a social phenomenon that includes tension between the preferences of individuals & the interests of societies. Any thorough evaluation of the costs & benefits of migration requires an examination of both individual & collective accounts. The analytical ramifications of the political perspective are pointed out, noting that it is also an effective framework for analyzing the behavior of societies. The implications of the conflict between the freedom to leave deprived regions of the world & the freedom of more fortunate countries to preserve their favorable endowment by restricting entry are discussed. J. Lindroth

The effects of political & economic corruption on international policy are studied. An overview of corruption's domestic economic effects emphasizes differences between the consequences of grand & petty corruption. The issue of whether corruption constitutes a legitimate obstacle to international trade is discussed. The question of whether the 1977 Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) constitutes a disincentive for US businesses to export their products is addressed. Whereas some US companies have utilized the FCPA to prevent solicitations from corrupt foreign officials, other enterprises have simply evaded or disregarded FCPA restrictions. It is concluded that the FCPA has not significantly decreased US exports & that such restrictions may assist US businesses to acquire contracts with democratic systems seeking legitimacy. 2 Tables, 32 References. J. W. Parker

Considers issues regarding the media's intermediary role in cases of international intervention, asserting that in democratic societies, when a government wants to involve itself in another country, it ought to obtain & uphold public support for its actions. Thus, the government must offer & the media must present reliable, comprehensive, & comprehendible information. In this light, four problems inhibiting the media's capacity to steer public opinion are discussed: (1) state regulation, influence, or manipulation of the media; (2) news flow imbalance; (3) stereotypical framing of certain foreign events as social conflicts; & (4) inherent cognitive difficulties in TV news production that impairs viewer comprehension. As these problems are exacerbated in relation to foreign news, the solution for producers is to domesticate the news, providing a familiar context for domestic viewers. Because TV seems to be the main source of news, & in light of the problems addressed, how the situation can be improved to make the public discourse on intervention more responsible is explored, arriving at three potential directions: (A) Demand reliable information from the government & other agencies. (B) Insist that journalists & broadcast organizations improve methods of informing the public. (C) Promote media literacy for better information processing & to generate public concern with international affairs. J. Zendejas

The United Nations intervention in Kosovo & subsequent provision of democracy assistance via the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo are examined to ascertain the sustainability of the nation's democratic transition. An overview of the various circumstances that prompted the United Nation's intervention in Kosovo, eg, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's bombing of key Serbian military installations, is presented. After addressing the outcome of the Kosovo War & the international community's initial attempts to promote democracy in Kosovo, the stipulations of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 are reviewed. Attention is then dedicated to analyzing the interim administration's handling of the remaining Serbian population, the demilitarization of the Kosovar guerrilla forces, the recovery of the national economy, & the contestation of local & national elections; difficulties faced by the transitional government in achieving these objectives are highlighted. It is concluded that the Kosovar public will have to overcome the United Nations administrative & operational shortcomings in order to achieve a sustainable democratic political system. J. W. Parker