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After regaining independence in 1918, the Polish state, apart from the necessity of building a state apparatus, was forced to fight for its borders and then for their recognition on the international arena. Another extremely important task of Polish diplomacy was the issue of creating a system of alliances that would give Poland and the newly revived states of the subregion security guarantees. To this end, in the first years after the end of the war, Warsaw intensively sought to create a permanent form of political and military cooperation within the Central and Eastern Europe subregion and the Baltic Sea. In Warsaw, on March 17, 1922, an agreement was signed by Poland, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia and Finland, which in the far-reaching plans of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs was to be a step towards establishing the so-called of the Baltic Union. The problem, however, was that in Finland at the time, the tendency to strengthen cooperation with the Scandinavian countries and the desire to adopt a policy of neutrality played a large role. Lithuania, however, was not willing to further strengthen relations with Poland, with which it remained in conflict after the occupation of Vilnius in April 1919 by the troops of General Lucjan Żeligowski. The fact that Vilnius was captured by Polish troops aroused waves of criticism in Western Europe towards Warsaw. The opportunity to improve the image came in January 1923, when Lithuania removed the French garrison and annexed the so-called Klaipeda country. Warsaw's balanced and calm reaction to Lithuanian moves was positively assessed by the Western powers. Although none of the concepts of building an alliance capable of opposing Soviet Russia and thus ensuring the security of itself and its allies has not been implemented, their analysis today allows us to put forward the thesis that the fate of this part of Europe has never been indifferent to Poland and it has always been associated with security of the entire subregion, as evidenced by the current political and military commitment in the form of battalion battle groups under the NATO initiative known as enhanced forward presence (eFP). ; Państwo polskie po odzyskaniu niepodległości w 1918 r. poza koniecznością budowania aparatu państwowego zmuszone zostało do walki o swoje granice a następnie o ich uznanie na arenie międzynarodowej. Kolejnym niezwykle istotnym zadaniem dyplomacji polskiej stała się kwestia stworzenia systemu sojuszy, które dałyby Polsce i nowo odrodzonym państwom subregionu gwarancje bezpieczeństwa. W tym celu Warszawa w pierwszych latach po zakończeniu wojny intensywnie zabiegała o stworzenie stałej formy współpracy polityczno-militarnej w obrębie subregionu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz Morza Bałtyckiego. W Warszawie 17 marca 1922 r. doszło do podpisania przez Polskę, Łotwę, Litwę, Estonię i Finlandię układu, który w dalekosiężnych planach polskiego MSZ miał być krokiem ku powołaniu do życia tzw. związku bałtyckiego. Problem polegał jednak na tym, że w Finlandii w tym czasie dużą role odgrywały tendencje zacieśnienia współpracy z państwami skandynawskimi oraz chęć obrania polityki neutralności. Litwa zaś nie była skłonna do dalszego zacieśniania relacji z Polską, z którą pozostawała w konflikcie po zajęciu Wilna w kwietniu 1919 r. przez oddziały gen. Lucjana Żeligowskiego. Fakt ten wzbudził w Europie Zachodniej fale krytyki względem Warszawy. Okazja do poprawy wizerunku nadarzyła się w styczniu 1923 r, kiedy to Litwa usunęła garnizon francuski i dokonała aneksji tzw. Kraju Kłajpedy. Wyważona i spokojna reakcja Warszawy na posunięcia Litwinów została pozytywnie oceniona przez mocarstwa zachodnie. Chociaż żadna z koncepcji zbudowania sojuszu zdolnego przeciwstawić się Rosji Radzieckiej a tym samym zapewnić bezpieczeństwo sobie oraz sojusznikom, nie została zrealizowana, jednak ich analiza pozwala nam dzisiaj wysunąć tezę, że losy tej części Europy nigdy nie były Polsce obojętne i zawsze wiązały się one z bezpieczeństwem całego subregionu, czego dowodem jest obecne zaangażowanie polityczne i militarne w postaci batalionowych grup bojowych w ramach inicjatywy NATO znanej, jako wzmocniona Wysunięta Obecność (ang. enhanced Forward Presence – eFP). ; Після відновлення незалежності в 1918 році польська держава, крім необхідності побудови державного апарату, була змушена боротися за свої кордони, а потім і за їх визнання на міжнародній арені. Ще одним надзвичайно важливим завданням польської дипломатії було питання створення системи союзів, яка би дала Польщі та нововідродженим державам гарантії безпеки субрегіону. Із цією метою у перші роки після закінчення війни Варшава посилено прагнула створити постійну форму політичного та військового співробітництва в межах субрегіону Центрально-Східної Європи та Балтійського моря. У Варшаві 17 березня 1922 р. Польща, Латвія, Литва, Естонія та Фінляндія навіть підписали угоду, яка в далекосяжних планах польського Міністерства закордонних справ повинна стати кроком до створення т. зв. Балтійського союзу. Однак проблема полягала в тому, що в той час у Фінляндії велику роль відігравала тенденція до зміцнення співпраці зі скандинавськими країнами та бажання прийняти політику нейтралітету. Литва, однак, не бажала надалі зміцнювати відносини з Польщею, з якою вона залишалася в конфлікті після окупації Вільнюса у квітні 1919 р. військами генерала Лучана Желіговського. Цей факт викликав хвилі критики щодо Варшави у Західній Європі. Можливість покращити імідж з'явилася у січні 1923 року, коли Литва усунула французький гарнізон та анексувала т. зв. Клайпедський край. Урівноважена та спокійна реакція Варшави на литовські кроки була позитивно оцінена західними державами. Хоча жодна з концепцій побудови альянсу, здатного протистояти Радянській Росії і таким чином запевнити безпеку собі та своїм союзникам, не була втілена в життя, однак їх аналіз сьогодні дозволяє висунути тезу про те, що доля цієї частини Європи ніколи не була байдужою для Польщі. Вона завжди була пов'язана з безпекою усього субрегіону, про що свідчить нинішня політична та військова прихильність у формі бойових груп батальйонів як частини ініціативи НАТО, як посилена Розширена Присутність.

U radu se razmatra ekološko obrazovanje u Srbiji, kroz analizu trenutnog stanja, ukazivanje na ključne probleme u ovoj oblasti i moguće pravce daljeg razvoja. U prvom delu rada dat je prikaz razvoja ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji sa naglaskom na ključne faze u ovom procesu. Put razvoja ekološkog obrazovanja u Srbiji kretao se od izrazitog antropocentrizma i antagonizma između čoveka i prirode, preko umerenog antropocentrizma sa primesama ekoncentrizma, do dominantnog ekocentrizma. Primetno je da razvoj ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji kasni bar jednu deceniju u odnosu na društvene okolnosti, što otvara brojne implikacije za obrazovni sistem i društvo u celini. Kada je u pitanju nastavni proces, analiza stanja pokazuje pomake koji su učinjeni implementiranjem novih sadržaja iz oblasti ekologije i održivog razvoja u postojeće predmete, kao i uvođenjem izbornih predmeta koji se odnose na ekološko obrazovanje. Pomaci su učinjeni i u domenu vannastavnih aktivnosti koje su obogaćene sadržajima iz oblasti ekologije, kao i u okviru obrazovnih politika škola, uvođenjem posebnih rubrika u školske programe kojima se definišu planirane aktivnosti iz ove oblasti. U drugom delu rada napravljen je osvrt na ključne probleme do kojih se došlo analizom postojećeg stanja u oblasti ekološkog obrazovanja. Kao največi problem izdvaja se primetni jaz između usvojenog znanja iz oblasti ekologije i individualnog delovanja pojedinca u svakodnevnom životu u pravcu očuvanja životne sredine. Pored toga, u nastavi se još uvek u nedovoljnoj meri primenjuju interdisciplinarni pristup i projektna nastava zasnovana na istraživanju čiji je doprinos u učenju ekoloških sadržaja potvrđen u nalazima brojnih istraživanja. U trećem delu rada date su preporuke za dalji razvoj ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji koje se prevashodno odnose na način učenja ekoloških sadržaja u okviru škole i koje imaju važne implikacije za kreatore obrazovnih politika, lidere u školama i praktičare. Na prvom mestu, škole bi trebalo da budu usmerene na stvaranje mogućnosti za istinski, receptivni i refleksivni odnos učenika sa prirodom. To bi značilo da se u procesu učenja ekoloških sadržaja primene pristupi čiji je uspeh već potvrđen, poput interdisciplinarnog pristupa i projektne nastave. Ostvarivanju ovog cilja pomoglo bi i intenziviranje vannastavnih aktivnosti kroz unapređivanje već postojećih (ekskurzije, nastava u prirodi) kao i uvođenjem novih, na primer ekoloških kampova i drugih organizovanih aktivnosti u prirodi koje podrazumevaju veću angažovanost učenika. Na taj način bi bilo omogućeno da se znanja stečena u nastavi povežu sa neposrednim iskustvom u prirodi. Time bi se podigao kvalitet dobijenih znanja iz ove oblasti, a ostvario bi se i pozitivan uticaj na voljni i emocionalni aspekt ličnosti učenika, što bi vodilo ka njihovoj većoj svesti o potrebi zaštite životne sredine, kao i njihovoj većoj participaciji u konkretnim aktivnostima koje se tiču očuvanja prirode i njenih resursa. Na kraju, ukazano je na važnost finansijskog aspekta, pa se kao preporuka za obrazovnu politiku ističe da su potrebna veća ulaganja kako bi škole mogle dobijena sredstva da iskoriste za podizanje svojih kapaciteta u oblasti ekološkog obrazovanja, obogaćivanje nastavnih resursa, kao i za obučavanje nastavnog kadra. ; The paper deliberates environmental education in Serbia by analysing the current situation, pointing to key problems in this area and potential trends of further development. The first part of the paper is an overview of environmental education development in our country with an emphasis on key stages in this process. The developmental path of environmental education in Serbia has unfolded from strong anthropocentrism and antagonism between the man and nature, through moderate anthropocentrism with hints of ecocentrism, to dominant ecocentrism. It is obvious that development of environmental education in our country is at least a decade late vis-à-vis social circumstances, which opens a number of implications for education system and overall society. With regard to teaching process, the current situation analysis reveals the progress made by implementing new contents from the fields of ecology and sustainable development in the existing subjects, as well as by introducing elective courses related to environmental education. The progress has also been made in terms of extracurricular activities that have been enriched with ecology contents, as well as within educational policies of schools by introducing special sections in the school curricula that define planned activities in this field. The second part of the paper focuses on the key issues arising from the analysis of current situation in environmental education. The greatest problem is an apparent gap between acquired ecology knowledge and the individual's actions in everyday life regarding environmental protection. In addition, the interdisciplinary approach and research-based project teaching whose contribution to learning the environmental contents has been acknowledged by results of numerous studies are still not adequately applied in teaching. The third part of the paper provides recommendations for further development of environmental education in our country. They primarily refer to the way environmental education is taught in school and have important implications for education policy makers, school leaders and practitioners. Primarily, the schools should aim at creating opportunities for genuine, receptive and reflective relationship of students with nature. This would mean using already validated approaches to learning of environmental contents, such as interdisciplinary approach and project-based teaching. Intensifying the extracurricular activities through improvement of already existing activities (excursions, outdoor classes) and introduction of new ones, for example eco-camps and other organized outdoor activities involving a greater student engagement, would also help in achieving this goal. In this way the correlation between the classroom-obtained knowledge and immediate experience in nature would be enabled. This would improve the quality of knowledge from this field, and have a positive effect on wilful and emotional aspect of students' personality. This would also lead to their greater awareness of the need for environmental protection, as well as their greater participation in particular activities related to conservation of nature and its resources. Finally, the importance of financial aspect is underlined and the recommendation for education policy refers to requirement for greater investments. In this way, the schools could use the received funds for increasing their environmental education capacities, improving the teaching resources and training the teaching staff. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmet bavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u kome su izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja. U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualni i metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi mogle biti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta i sloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju su kombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova i praksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnih samouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinih organizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkim problemima - Panĉeva i Bora. Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkog pokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa, kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristika osnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovor na pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da u Srbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakav je prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustva elemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno u zemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modela ekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime, za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉku dimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" po karakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnih reformi, drţava povukla. Pored nerazvijenosti konfliktne (politiĉke) dimenzije, ekološki treći sektor odlikuje i atomizovano delanje profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija, koje samo izuzetno (pod spoljnim pritiscima ili podsticajima) uspostavljaju fiziĉke veze (mreţe) meĊu sobom, dok se na planu kolektivnog identiteta razvija samo kognitivna dimenzija (formalno prihvatanje odreĊenih ekoloških vrednosti i naĉela koja ĉine sastavni deo ekološkog diskursa dominantnog na Zapadu). GraĊani, po pravilu, nisu ukljuĉeni u rad ovih organizacija, izuzev kao korisnici usluga. U trećem delu rada se razmatraju razlozi usled kojih ne dolazi do razvoja participativnog i/ili transakcionog ekološkog pokreta (aktivizma). Za potrebe objašnjenja nastanka specifiĉne hibridne forme ekološkog trećeg sektora, kreiran je sintetiĉki eksplanatorni model koji kombinuje elemente razvijene u okviru razliĉitih teorijskih pristupa fenomenu društvenih pokreta. Eksplanatorna shema je formulisana na sledeći naĉin: za pokretanje kolektivnog delanja i nastanak ekološkog pokreta neophodno da prethodno budu ispunjeni sledeći uslovi: potrebno je da postoji izvesno socijalno-konstruisano nezadovoljstvo (problem) kod većeg broja pojedinaca / profesionalnih zastupniĉkih organizacija (socijalno-konstruktivistiĉka reinterpretacija klasiĉnih pristupa); zatim, grupa pojedinaca koja oseća dati problem / zalaţe se za njegovo rešavanje, mora posedovati odreĊene resurse za pokretanje i odrţavanje 5 kolektivne akcije (pristup teorije mobilizacije resursa); šire okruţenje treba da bude relativno povoljno kako bi nagovestilo mogućnost pozitivnog ishoda aktivnosti koja se ţeli realizovati (pristup strukture politiĉkih mogućnosti), a vrednosni okvir na takav naĉin podešen da usmerava na delanje predstavnike profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija i / ili neposredno ugroţenu populaciju (nezadovoljne) i (eventualno) širi krug podrţavalaca (pristup Novih društvenih pokreta). Na proces formiranja ekološkog pokreta, kroz ĉetiri neposredna faktora (socijalna-konstrukcija ekoloških rizika, dostupnost i karakteristike resursa, struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti, vrednosni sistem),indirektno deluju širi društveni procesi - postsocijalistiĉka transformacija i evropeizacija srpskog društva, kao i ĉinioci duţeg trajanja ((pred)socijalistiĉko nasleĊe). Testiranje postavljenih eksplikativnih hipoteza je pokazalo da ni jedan od uslova neophodnih za formiranje ekološkog pokreta, nije delimiĉno ili u potpunosti zadovoljen. Postojeći ekološki problemi su dominantno odreĊeni u kategorijama niskog rizika i male vaţnosti u odnosu na druga društvena pitanja, usled ĉega je i njihov podsticajni kapacitet za kolektivnu (re)akciju bitno sniţen. Pored toga, vladajuće shvatanje prema kome u ekološkoj modernizaciji leţi rešenje za gotovo sve ekološke probleme, pokazuje se kao ĉinilac koji nepovoljno utiĉe na graĊanski aktivizam, jer upućuje na pasivno išĉekivanje uvoĊenja obećanih mehanizama odrţivog razvoja. Većini graĊana na raspolaganju stoji vrlo ograniĉena koliĉina resursa, usled ĉega, u velikom broju sluĉajeva, oni odustaju od uĉešća u ekološkim akcijama. Ekološke organizacije, takoĊe, imaju poteškoća da obezbede neophodne resurse za rad, a dodatni problem predstavlja i naĉin njihove mobilizacije, usled kojeg gube samostalnost postajući zavisne od stranih izvora finansiranja. Kao posledica, ekološko delanje je atomizovano, a rivalitet i konflikti unutar ekološkog civilnog sektora, naglašeni; ekološke mreţe se teško formiraju i odrţavaju, kolektivni identitet je slab (nad njim prevagu odnose partikularni interesi), a kritiĉko delovanje ekoloških organizacija, nerazvijeno. Struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti se, uprkos postojanju relativno povoljnog zakonskog okvira, pokazuje zatvorenom prema uĉešću graĊana u donošenju odluka. GraĊani percipiraju predstavnike vlasti kao neprijemĉive za njihove potrebe, što se nepovoljno odraţava na njihovu spremnost da se organizuju i pokušaju da nametnu svoje zahteve. S druge strane, ekološke organizacije su iskljuĉene iz procesa odluĉivanja i svedene na ulogu asistenata u podizanju kapaciteta drţave za sprovoĊenje programa u oblasti zaštite ţivotne sredine. Konfliktno delanje organizacija je ograniĉeno, s jedne strane, time što ne dobijaju podršku moćnih aktera (meĊunarodne ekološke organizacije, strani donatori), a sa druge, finansijskim uslovljavanjem od strane drţavnih struktura. Karakteristike kulturološkog konteksta se, takoĊe, pokazuju nepovoljnim za razvoj ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji. Dominacija materijalistiĉkog sistema vrednosti i s njim povezano visoko vrednovanje ekonomskog razvoja, koje u senci ostavlja ekološke probleme, negativno utiĉe na ekološko aktiviranje graĊana. Ipak, uprkos preteţno materijalistiĉkoj vrednosnoj orijentaciji, graĊanima su vrlo bliske vrednosti Nove ekološke paradigme. MeĊutim, od naĉelnog prihvatanja vrednosti karakteristiĉnih za ovu paradigmu do aktivnog delanja, u kontekstu materijalne oskudice, put je dug i vrlo neizvestan. Zakljuĉno poglavlje je posvećeno rezimiranju i diskusiji empirijskih nalaza, kao i razmatranju širih implikacija nerazvijenosti ekološkog pokreta na zaštitu ţivotne sredine u Srbiji. ; he environmental movement in Serbia, in the context of post-socialist transformation and the EU integration process. The paper consists of three major parts and the concluding chapter. In the first part a comparative - historical, contextual, conceptual and methodological framework of the research is developed, as a starting point for the further analyses. In order to capture all relevant dimensions of the complex phenomenon of environmental movement and the composite set of factors that influence its emergence and development, the study is using a combination of different methodological techniques: a survey of attitudes and practices based on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (N = 1952) and local government representatives (N = 232), in parallel with the semi-structured interviews with representatives of non-governmental organizations (N = 44), and the two case studies of communities with serious environmental problems – the municipalities of Pancevo and Bor. The second part contains the description and analysis of individual elements of the environmental movement: environmental activists, environmental groups / organizations, environmental networks, collective identity and environmental conflicts. Based on a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the key elements of environmental movement, the concluding chapter of this part of the paper offers an answer to the question - is there an environmental movement in Serbia? The main research finding is that participatory type of environmental movement that is typical for the Western countries has not been formed in Serbia. There are even no indications of the existence of significant elements of transactional environmental activism (movement), that is present in the countries of Central Europe. Instead, we are witnessing the development of a distinct model of collective environmental action that we have named "the third environmental sector". Different from the participative and transactional activism which have an emphasized political dimension, the nature of the activities of the third sector organizations is mostly "non-political", aimed at providing services in those areas that the state has withdrew from, in the context of neo-liberal reforms. In addition to the underdeveloped conflict/political dimension, the environmental third sector is characterized by atomized actions of professional environmental organizations, which establish physical connections (networks) among themselves only as an exception (under external pressures or incentives), while at the level of collective identity only the cognitive dimension is being developed (the formal acceptance of the environmental values and principles which form an integral part of the environmental discourse dominant in the West). Citizens, as a rule, are not included in the work of these organizations, except as users of services. In the third part, the reasons for the absence of the participatory and / or transactional environmental movement (activism) are discussed. In order to explain the emergence of the specific hybrid form of the environmental third sector, a synthetic explanatory model was established, combining elements developed within different social movement theories. The explanatory scheme has been formulated as follows: for the launch of collective action and the emergence of the environmental movement certain conditions are necessary to be met - a certain level of socially-constructed 8 dissatisfaction (problem) needs to be generated in large numbers of individuals / professional advocacy organizations (social constructivist reinterpretation of classical approaches); then, a group of individuals who perceive the problem / advocates for its solution must possess appropriate resources to initiate and sustain a collective action (the Resource Mobilization Theory approach); the wider context should be relatively favorable as to suggest the possibility of a positive outcome of the action (the Political Opportunities Structure approach); the value framework should be set up in such a way to initiate the action of professional environmental organizations and / or the directly affected population, and possibly also of a wider circle of supporters (the New Social Movements approach). Through the four direct factors (social – construction of environmental risks, the availability and characteristics of resources, the structure of political opportunities, the value system), the process of development of the environmental movement is indirectly affected by wider-scale social processes – the post-socialist transformation and Europeanization of Serbian society, as well as by the factors of longer duration ((pre-) socialist heritage).The testing of the set of explicative hypotheses showed that the necessary pre-conditions for the formation of the environmental movement in Serbia have neither been fully, nor even partially met. In comparison with other issues, the existing environmental problems are dominantly defined in the terms of low-risk and low-importance, due to which their capacities to induce collective (re)action are significantly reduced. In addition, the prevailing concept of environmental modernization, presented as a solution to almost all environmental problems, proves to be a factor that adversely affects civic activism, as it leads to passive anticipation of the promised introduction of mechanisms for sustainable development. Since the majority of citizens have access only to very limited resources, they, in many cases, tend to give up their participation in environmental actions. Environmental organizations also face difficulties in obtaining necessary resources for their operation. An additional problem lies in the way resources are being mobilized: becoming increasingly dependent on foreign funding, organizations tend to lose their autonomy. As a result, the environmental action is atomized and rivalries and conflicts within the environmental civil society accentuated; environmental networks are difficult to establish and maintain and the collective identity is weak (due to domination of particular interests); the conflictual dimension of environmental organizations remains undeveloped. Despite the relatively favorable legal framework, the structure of political opportunities seems closed to the participation of citizens in the decision-making process. Citizens perceive government representatives as unresponsive to their needs, which negatively affects their readiness to act in an organized way and to attempt to impose their demands. On the other hand, environmental organizations are excluded from the decision-making process and reduced to the assisting role in the capacity building of the state bodies for the implementation of programs in the field of environmental protection. Conflicting action of such organizations is limited, on the one hand by the lack of support from powerful actors (international environmental organizations, international donors), and on the other - by the financial preconditions imposed by the state authorities. The characteristics of the cultural context also appear to be unfavorable for the development of the environmental movement in Serbia. The dominance of the materialistic value system and the related high priority attributed to the economic 9 growth, leaves the environmental problems on the margins, thus negatively affecting the environmental activation of citizens. However, despite the predominantly materialistic value orientation, the values of the New environmental paradigm are very familiar to the citizens. Still, in the context of material insecurity, the road from the general acceptance of such values to active action towards reaching them, is long and very uncertain. The concluding chapter is devoted to summarizing and discussing the empirical findings, as well as to considerations of implications of the under-developed environmental movement to the overall state of environmental protection in Serbia.

The subject of this dissertation relates to the study of psychosocial characteristics of military servicemen. The military profession implies significant social and personal responsibilities, requires discipline and unconditional compliance with the hierarchy of the military organization, willingness to be transferred if required, possible separation from the family, changing work environment and difficult working conditions, sometimes hazardous to health and life, and often quoted is also a limited freedom to express personal opinions and to participate in trade unions and politics. The military profession has undergone numerous transformations in the contemporary environment. Family tradition, which contributes to the development of the personality profile that predisposes a person to successful military service, has also undergone significant changes. The question is what represents the capacity of the individual to adapt to the military profession in the modern military organization, and what factors contribute to a successful military career. The success rate assessment is important for gaining insight into the proper balance of actual skills, knowledge and behavior patterns of officers possessing the desired standards in the defense system, set by the government and various requirements of international integration processes. Apart from rewarding the work, an adequate success rate assessment is important for personnel development planning, conception and evaluation of educational programs, HR policies, and is particularly important as a validation of selection procedures and in terms of enhancing complexity of the selection criteria for admission to the military (Pajević, 2006). In the military practice thus far, the officers' success has been perceived through the officer's rank, level of education / training, awards, duties that the officer has performed or is currently performing. Family environment, financial solvency and resolved housing issues have been used as the data complementing the picture of the officer, without a deeper analysis of the connection of these factors with motivation and success in the military profession. The PhD dissertation Family Context, Authoritarianism and Success Rate in the Military Profession deals with the success rate of the military profession performance from the perspective of the family and its role in the professional selection, advancement and success. The family context is considered to be both the family of origin and the current officer's family, more precisely, the emotional quality of partner relations. The family of origin is considered through the perceived parental upbringing practices towards children (acceptance and rejection). The current officer's family is considered as a modern institution that meets numerous psychological needs, such as affiliation, loyalty, protection, union, support and intimacy. The quality of emotional relations in partnerships is assessed on the basis of subjective evaluation of mutual respect, communication, understanding, acceptance and agreement in daily emotional partner relations (current families of officers). The main objective of the research is to determine the parameters associated with success in the military profession. In the core of the research is the family, i.e. the perceived parental upbringing styles and practices in the family of origin and their contribution in shaping the personality of a person whose professional choice is the military vocation, performed with more or less success. In addition, the relations between these parameters and the quality and satisfaction with partnerships have been studied, as well as the ways those partnerships contribute to the satisfaction and success in the military profession. Specifically, we were interested whether the contribution of the current partnership to the satisfaction and success in the military profession is more significant than the contribution of the family of origin. A particularly important aim of the research was to study the contribution of upbringing styles and practices in the family of origin in shaping the authoritarian personality structure, as well as the connection between authoritarianism and the parameters of success in the military profession. The study used the Questionnaire on Success in the Military Profession (designed for research purposes), Parental Acceptance/Rejection Questionnaire - PARQ (Rohner, 1984), Revised F scale of authoritarianism (Rot and Havelka, 1973) and Dyadic Adjustment Scale - DAS (Spanier, 1976) to assess the emotional quality of partnerships. The reliability of the applied tools is high (Cronbach's alpha coefficients range from 0.744 to 0.893). The sample is purposive and composed of the Serbian Armed Forces officers (443 in total), divided into three subsamples (successful, average, and unsuccessful) in accordance with the criteria set by the Ministry of Defense and the Serbian Armed Forces. The correlation analysis results have shown a statistically significant positive correlation between the perception of the parental acceptance (mother, father), on the one hand, and educational and professional success, positive perception of the job and people, good cooperation and communication with both superiors and subordinates, on the other hand. Also, a statistically significant negative correlation between the authoritarian personality structure – authoritarianism, and the criteria of objective and subjective success was found. The respondents with higher levels of authoritarianism are more commonly found in the lower ranks and have lower performance grades, while the respondents with average (lower) levels of authoritarianism have higher ranks and higher performance grades. The respondents with higher levels of authoritarianism assessed the cooperation with the subordinates in helping to resolve personal problems with higher scores. In addition, it has been determined that there are complex relations between the conformity of intimate partners and success in performing their jobs. A statistically significant correlation between the conformity of the partners and the objective elements of success was determined. Officers with higher performance grades perceive a greater cohesion in partnerships, while the lower ranked officers of more satisfied with agreement in the partnership dyad and emotional expression. Also, there was a statistically significant correlation found between the conformity of intimate partners and the subjective success rates. The respondents with higher self-assessment of their professional performance, knowledge of the rules and regulations of the military service, good relations with the subordinates are more satisfied in the partnership dyad. A statistically significant correlation between the perceived parental acceptance / rejection and authoritarianism was determined. The respondents who perceive their parents as rejecting and hostile have a more pronounced authoritarian personality structure. Also, the respondents who assessed their parents as accepting have established a better conformity with their intimate partners in all aspects. The results of multiple regression analysis show that authoritarianism is a significant predictor of the objective success rate, while the emotional quality of partner relations is a significant predictor of the subjective success in the military profession. The obtained results conform with all of the hypotheses and previous research suggesting that the professional success depends on a proper balance between the family and professional roles. In addition, the results and conclusions can be further developed on the basis of research of other relevant factors of professional success, such as: psychological personality profile, system of values, social and emotional intelligence, communication skills. Also, the results enhance the knowledge about the factors of the general professional success, including the military profession (especially in terms of the development of authoritarian personality structure from the perspective of the parental acceptance / rejection theory, as well as the importance of the emotional quality of partner relations) in order to implement them in the military education curricula (primarily in the Military psychology subject) and training plans for the Ministry of Defense and the Serbian Armed Forces personnel, innovation in the selection processes and modification of the psychological selection criteria, and career management.

Ovo empirijsko istraživanje zasnovano je na analizi literature koju je sproveo Stergiou (2017). Cilj istraživanja usmeren je na merenje kvaliteta obrazovnog rada, nastavnog materijala i aktivnosti univerzitetskih nastavnika u Grčkoj, na osnovu povratnih informacija dobijenih od njihovih diplomiranih studenata. U istraživanju je primenjen upitnik. Uzorak se sastojao od 388 diplomaca, studenata ASPETE programa iz Soluna, akademske 2017/2018. i 2018/2019. Godine. Ispitanici su, pored svojih deklarisanih demografskih karakteristika, na skali od pet tačaka davali odgovore za svaku od 27 stavki koje opisuju aspekte kvaliteta obrazovnog rada, nastavnog materijala i aktivnosti, kao i nastavnih metoda svojih univerzitetskih nastavnika (1 – nimalo; 2 – veoma malo; 3 – prilično; 4 – mnogo; 5 – veoma mnogo). Rezultati pokazuju da diplomci smatraju kako njihovi univerzitetski nastavnici dobro poznaju sadržaj kurseva, te da su dosledni tokom predavanja (praćenje rasporeda i zadovoljavajuća priprema). Studenti su dali prosečne ocene svojim nastavnicima u 20 od 27 kriterijuma kvaliteta univerzitetskog nastavnika. Nastavnici su ocenjeni ispod proseka za organizaciju aktivnosti čiji je cilj aktivno učešće studenata u radu u učionici, davanje uvoda i rekapitulacija nastave u učionici, povezivanje nastavnih metoda sa profesionalnim okruženjem (sa tržištem rada), povezivanje sadržaja izučavanih kurseva sa drugim kursevima i korišćenje radnih resursa (npr. radnih listova, pokaznog materijala) koji olakšavaju učenje. Faktorska analiza pokazala je da sva pitanja imaju visoko opterećenje na jednoj faktorskoj osi – univerzitetskoj pedagogiji (F1, Kronbah α = 0,947, 42% ukupne varijanse), dok su dve druge ose specijalizovane za konkretna polja: jedna za savetodavno-mentorsku ulogu univerzitetskog nastavnika (F2, Kronbah α = 0,879, 24% ukupne varijanse), a druga za nauku i stručnost (F3, Kronbah 0,741, 13% ukupne varijanse). Hijerarhijskom klaster analizom izdvojile su se četiri grupe diplomaca. Prva (C1) obuhvata 16,8% uzorka, druga (C2) 33%, treća (C3) 41,5% i četvrta (C4) 8,8% diplomaca. Klaster C1 sastoji se od pojedinaca koji vrednuju pedagošku kompetenciju i pedagoško obrazovanje svojih univerzitetskih nastavnika, kao i njihovu primarno naučnu orijentaciju i profesionalizam, dok u potpunosti negiraju njihovu mentorsko-savetodavnu ulogu. Grupu C2 čine diplomirani studenti koji u dovoljnoj meri uvažavaju mentorsko-savetodavnu ulogu svojih nastavnika, ali imaju negativno mišljenje o njihovim pedagoškim i didaktičkim aspektima. Diplomci koji pripadaju C3 grupi daju prosečnu ocenu kako pedagogiji nastave i pedagoškom obrazovanju svojih nastavnika, tako i njihovoj primarno naučnoj orijentaciji i profesionalizmu, dok misle da njihovi nastavnici nisu uspeli u svojoj mentorsko-savetodavnoj ulozi. Najzad, najmanji klaster C4 čine diplomci koji iako smatraju da pedagogija nastave i nastavne veštine njihovih nastavnika nisu adekvatne i ne veruju u njihove naučne veštine i profesionalizam, ipak prepoznaju njihov skroman doprinos kao savetnika i mentora koji su im pomogli da steknu predstavu o profesiji kojom bi želeli da se bave i da se tome prilagode. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da većina studenata daje nisku ocenu nastavnicima grčkih univerziteta u gotovo svim aspektima univerzitetske pedagogije, što ukazuje na odsustvo pedagoških i didaktičkih veština nastavnika. Ovaj rezultat je očekivan, zbog nepostojanja kvalifikovane obuke za nastavnike. To, zapravo, uopšte nije preduslov za započinjanje akademske karijere i ne postoji akademska ustanova koja bi im omogućila da steknu pedagoške i didaktičke kompetencije. Usaglašenost sa dobrom praksom drugih evropskih zemalja trebalo bi da bude strateški izbor obrazovne politike u cilju modernizacije grčkih univerziteta u ovoj oblasti i da se to čini sveobuhvatnije i efikasnije. ; This is a questionnaire based empirical research designed to measure the quality of educational work, teaching material and activities of Greek University teachers, based on their graduates' feedback. The sample consisted of 388 graduates, all students of the ASPETE programs of Thessaloniki, for the academic years 2017-2018 and 2018-2019. The subjects, in addition to their declared demographic characteristics, answered, on a five-point scale (1 – not at all, 2 − very little, 3 − quite, 4 − much, 5 − very much), the 27 items (criteria) describing the aspects of educational work quality, teaching material and activities and teaching methods of their academic teachers. Results showed that graduates perceive that their academic teachers had a good knowledge of the courses content and they were consistent during teaching courses (timetable observation and satisfactory preparation). Students gave moderate scores to their teachers in 20 out of the 27 quality criteria of an academic teacher. Teachers were rated below average in the organization of activities aiming at actively involving the students in the classroom, providing them with the introduction and recapitulation of their classroom teaching, linking their teaching methods to the professional environment (the labour market), linking the content of the studied courses with other courses and the use of labour resources (e.g. worksheets, demonstration materials) that facilitate learning. Factor analysis showed that all questions were highly loaded on one factorial axis, University Pedagogy (F1, Cronbach's α = 0.947, 42% of the total variance), while the two other axes were specialized in the fields, one in the Advisory- Mentor Role of the academic teacher (F2, Cronbach's α = 0.879, 24% of the total variance) and the other in Science and Professionalism (F3, Cronbach's 0.741, 13% of the total variance). Hierarchical Cluster Analysis highlighted four groups of graduates. The first (C1) includes 16.8% of the sample, the second (C2) 33%, the third (C3) 41.5% and the fourth (C4) 8.8% of the graduates. Cluster C1 consists of individuals who appreciated the value of pedagogical competence and teaching training of their university teachers as well as their scientific background orientation and professionalism while their mentoring-advisory role was completely deprecated. C2 consists of graduates who, while appreciating enough the mentor-advisory role of their teachers, have a negative view of their pedagogical and didactic training. C3 grades moderately both the teaching pedagogy and teaching training of their university teachers as well as their scientific background orientation and professionalism, while they think that their teachers have failed their mentor-advisory role. Finally, the smallest cluster C4, although it considers teaching pedagogy and teaching skills of their teachers inadequate, and does not believe in their science skills and professionalism, it recognizes a modest contribution as advisors and mentors who helped them get an idea of the profession they would like to follow and adapt to it. In conclusion, Greek university teachers are low-rated by the majority of students in almost all aspects of University Pedagogy, indicating the absence of their pedagogical and didactic training skills. This result was expected, due to absence of qualified teacher training. Indeed, it is not a prerequisite for entering the academic career and there is no academic institution offering them pedagogical and didactic competence. The compliance with good practices from other European countries should be a strategic educational policy choice in order to modernize Greek universities in this area and to do so more comprehensively and effectively. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Stvaranje Evropske unije bespovratno je narušilo tradicionalno ustrojstvo drţava, pa i samog meĊunarodnog poretka. Uspostavljanje strukture koja obuhvata više centara moći u okviru kojih se (ne)ravnopravno donose odluke od znaĉaja za ţivot graĊana, uticalo je na slabljenje nacionalnih, a nedovoljnu samostalnost nadnacionalnog nivoa unutar nje. Stalno pregovaranje i lobiranje na kojima poĉiva Unija pruţa mogućnost za ostvarivanje ciljeva pojedinih interesnih grupa i drţava. Koncept demokratije je ovakvim stanjem najviše izgubio. Pojаm demokrаtije je teško definisаti, isto koliko je komplikovаno pronаći kriterijume za njeno identifikovanje a koji su primjenljivi nа sve politiĉke sisteme. Situаcijа se dodаtno usloţnjаvа kаdа je ove kriterijume neophodno prepoznati u okviru nedovršenog politiĉkog sistema kаkаv je onаj u Evropskoj uniji. Problemi u demokrаtskoj legitimizаciji Unije, koji se jаvljаju uporedo sа uspjesimа u integrаciji, otvаrаju pitаnje primjenljivosti "stаndаrdnog" modelа demokrаtije nа ovu tvorevinu. Prirodа funkcionisаnjа Evropske unije, u kojoj je na snazi uprаvljаnje nа više nivoа, zаhtijevа prilаgoĊаvаnje demokrаtskih principа njenom specifiĉnom politiĉkom sistemu. Mada ne postoji konsenzus meĊu teoretiĉаrima koji su dali doprinos objašnjavanju pojma demokratije u Evropskoj uniji dа li postoji demokratski deficit unutar nje, kаo ni koji su nаjbolji uslovi zа rаzvoj аutentiĉne demokrаtije u EU, moguće je identifikovati brojne strukturne probleme demokratije u politiĉkom sistemu Evropske unije. U okviru postojećeg institucionаlnog mehаnizmа Evropske unije problemi nastaju usljed isprepletenih nаdleţnosti izmeĊu institucijа i osjetnog jаĉаnjа izvršne u odnosu nа zаkonodаvnu grаnu vlаsti. Centrаlnu ulogu od institucija imа Sаvjet koji funkcioniše po principu meĊuvlаdine sаrаdnje. Prаktiĉno nijednа evropskа politikа ne moţe se usvojiti bez djelovаnjа ove institucije i uplitаnjа drţаvа ĉlаnicа, što Savjet ĉini glavnim zakonodavnim tijelom Unije. Evropski parlament, sa druge strane, iako neposredno izabran, zbog svojih još uvijek ogrаniĉenih nаdleţnosti, i dаlje je glаvni uzroĉnik demokrаtskog deficitа u Uniji. Stoga bi talas demokratizacije institucija Unije trebalo da obuhvati "prelivаnje" moći sа Sаvjetа nа Evropski pаrlаment i jаĉаnje meĊuinstitucionаlne sаrаdnje izmeĊu Evropskog pаrlаmentа i Evropske komisije. Evropskа unijа nemа ureĊenje poput trаdicionаlne nаcionаlne drţаve. Ne postoji ni demos nа evropskom nivou, te, stoga, nemа ko dа obezbijedi neophodni legitimitet evropskim politikama. Iako je nesumnjivo da politike Evropske unije proizvode velike koristi zа njene grаĊаne, ovа reаlnost, zаjedno sа rаzvijenim mehаnizmimа konsultovаnjа sа grаĊаnimа, ipаk ne umаnjuje kljuĉni problem u komunikаciji Unija – graĎani: mаnjаk аdekvаtnog predstаvljаnjа grаĊаnа, što je zа zаjednicu kojа se u svojim osnivаĉkim dokumentimа deklаriše kаo predstavniĉka ipak nedostаtаk. Ni sаmi grаĊаni ne pokreću politiĉku debаtu o specifiĉnim evropskim pitаnjimа nа nivou koji bi bio izаzov zа nаcionаlne vlаde. Demokrаtskа legitimizаcijа evropskih institucijа zаhtijevа i veću ulogu politiĉkih pаrtijа i njihovu revitаlizаciju nа evropskom nivou, kao i otvoreno politiĉko takmiĉenje koje ukljuĉuje grаĊаne. Proces integrisаnjа zemаljа Evropske unije prouzrokovаo je ozbiljne demokrаtske probleme ne sаmo nа nivou Unije, već i u drţаvаmа ĉlаnicаmа. "Problemi demokratije" u drţavama ĉlanicama koji proizilaze iz funkcionisanja Unije drugаĉije se reflektuju u rаzliĉitim nаcionаlnim politiĉkim sistemimа. Pritisku koji dolаzi od integrisаnjа unutar Evropske unije bolje se prilagoĊavaju drţаve koje imаju federаlno od onih koje imаju unitаrno ureĊenje. Federаlni kаrаkter ureĊenjа u drţаvi već podrаzumijevа više nivoа odluĉivаnjа i decentrаlizаciju vlasti, pа se ovаj sistem lаkše prilаgoĊаvа uprаvljаnju nа više nivoа unutаr Evropske unije. To ne moţe biti sluĉаj sа zemljаmа koje su trаdicionаlno centrаlizovаne. Dalji razvoj Evropske unije moţe ići u pravcu zadrţavanja trenutnih principa integrisanja uz obrazloţenje da su demokratske drţave ĉlanice garant legitimiteta Unije. Na taj naĉin bi i dalje meĊuvladin princip imao primat u odnosu na nadnacionalni. Model koji bi trаnsformisаo Evropsku uniju u zаjednicu demokrаtskog kаrаkterа jeste federаlni. Evropskа unijа posjeduje elemente federalizma, a toj konstrukciji nedostaje kаpаcitet zа oporezivаnje i mogućnost predlaganja izmjena osnivаĉkih, konstitutivnih, ugovora. Trenutno postojanje federalnih elemenata u funkcionisanju Unije ukazuje da njihovo dodatno osnaţivanje neće neminovno dovesti do njene trаnsformаcije u zajednicu federalnog karaktera, ali će svakako uticati na smanjivanje postojećeg demokratskog deficita.Nauĉno-istraţivaĉki pristup korišćen u ovom radu odreĊen je predmetom i ciljevima istraţivanja. Znaĉajnu primjenu imale su metodologija svojstvena politiĉkim naukama, komparativna metoda, analiza sadrţaja dokumenata, kao i specijalizacija. U dokazivanju postavljenih hipoteza primjenu su našle i sinteza, generalizacija, indukcija i dedukcija. ; The creation of the European Union has irreversibly undermined the traditional establishment of states, including the international order thereof. The establishment of a structure encompassing multiple power centers entailing (un)equal decision making relevant to the lives of citizens, has triggered the downturn in national, subsequently weakening the supranational level of autonomy within it. Constant negotiations and lobbying representing the cornerstones of the Union, provides for an opportunity for achieving the objectives of individual groups and states. In the light of the above, the democracy concept has suffered the most. The democracy concept is difficult to define, being leveraged by the complication in finding criteria for its identification which are applicable to all political systems. The situation is further complicated in case of a need to identify these criteria within an unfinished political system like the one in the European Union. The problems behind democratic legitimization of the Union, arising along with the integration success, are opening up the question of the applicability of "standard" democracy model to this creation. The nature of the European Union functioning governed by the multiple levels management, requires adjustment of the democratic principles to its specific political system. Although there is no consensus among theorists who have contributed to clarifying the democracy concept in the European Union on neither whether there is a democratic deficit within it, nor what are the best conditions for the development of a genuine democracy in the EU, nevertheless it is possible to identify a number of structural problems of democracy in the political system of the European Union. In the framework of existing institutional mechanism of the European Union, the problems arise because of overlapping responsibilities between the institutions and the appreciable strengthening of the executive over the legislative branch of government. The Council plays the central role, operating on the principle of intergovernmental cooperation. Practically not a single European policy may be adopted without the operation of this institution and the interference of the member states, making the Council the leading legislative authority of the Union. The European Parliament, on the other hand, although directly elected, due to its still limited competences, being the main trigger of the democratic deficit in the Union. Thus, the wave of democratization of the EU institutions should include the "spillover" of power from the Council to the European Parliament and strengthening the inter-institutional cooperation between the European Parliament and European Commission. The European Union has not been grounded as the traditional national state. Demos don"t exist at the European level and, therefore, there is no one to provide the necessary legitimacy of the European policies. Although undoubtedly, the European Union policies are generating great benefits for its citizens, this reality, along with developed mechanisms of consultation with citizens, however, does not reduce the key problem in communication between the Union - citizens: lack of adequate representation of citizens, representing a deficiency having in mind that its founding documents are declaring it as a representative Community. Even the citizens themselves are failing to launch political debate on specific issues at the European level that would be a challenge for the national governments. Democratic legitimization of European institutions requires a greater role of political parties and their revitalization at the European level, as well as open political competition involving the citizens The integration process of the European Union counties has caused serious democratic problems not only at the level of the Union, but also in the member states. "Democracy problems" in the member states deriving from the functioning of the Union are reflected differently in different national political systems. Unlike unitary governments, federal ones are better adapting to the pressure deriving form the integration within the European Union. Federal feature of organization in the state already implies the multiple levels of decision making and decentralization of powers, thus the system is easily adapting to the multiple levels of management within the European Union. This is not the case with countries that are traditionally centralized. The further EU development may be directed in retaining the current integration principles with the rationale that the democratic member states represent legitimacy guarantor of the Union. In the light of the above, the intergovernmental principle should supersede the supranational. However, a model that would transform the EU into a democratic community is federal. The European Union has elements of federalism and this structure lacks the capacity for taxation and possibility of proposing amendments to founding, constitutional contracts. Currently the existence of federal elements in the functioning of the Union is pinpointing that its further strengthening will not inevitably lead to the transformation of the Union into the community with federal character, but will most likely impact on reducing the existing democratic deficit However, the model that would transform the European Union into the Community with democratic feature is the federal one. The European Union has the federalism features, and this structure suffers the lack of taxation capacity and the option of proposing amendments to the founding and constitutional treaties. The current existence of federal elements within the functioning of the Union is implying that its additional strengthening will not inevitably generate the transformation of the Union into the Community of federal feature, yet it will affect the decline in the current democratic deficit. Scientific methods used in this thesis are based on specific topic and research objective. Therefore, the methodology inherent in political science, comparative method, content analysis of documents, as well as specialization are used to a large extent. In proving the hypotheses a great usage has found the synthesis, generalization, induction and deduction.