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This edited book explores prison masculinities, drawing from a wide range of international researchers to highlight how masculinities may divert from the ""hypermasculine"" or macho typology typically found in the prison masculinities literature. The book includes a diverse selection of writing on masculinities ""in"" and ""of"" prison; masculinities experienced by those living within, working, and experiencing prison as well as historical and critical accounts of masculinities from around the world. The contributors highlight how masculinities are experienced in a multitude of ways as is evidenced in both qualitative and quantitative research with men before, during, and after imprisonment; with correctional officers and staff; in the analysis of public records, in the critical examination of Sykes' seminal work; and in historical and contemporary Australian society. Evidenced in writing drawn from Australia, the Dominican Republic, Ukraine, Hong Kong, the United States, Scotland, and the Netherlands, the contributors acknowledge that rather than being fixed, discourses around prison masculinities now include sexuality, gender identity, and diverse understandings around masculinities as strategic, hegemonic, and ever changing. Prison Masculinities is important reading for students and scholars across disciplines, including criminology, sociology, gender studies, law, international relations, history, health, psychology, and education

EPDF and EPUB available Open Access under CC-BY-NC-ND licence. Technology is quickly becoming an integral part of care systems across the world and is frequently cited in policy discourse as pivotal for solving the 'crisis' in care and delivering positive outcomes. Exploring the role of technology in Europe, Canada, Australia and Japan, this book examines how technology contributes effectively to the sustainability of these different care systems, which are facing similar emergent pressures, including increased longevity, falling fertility and the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. It considers the challenges and opportunities of embedding technologies in care systems and the subsequent outcomes for older and disabled service users, carers and the care workforce

Today few people deny the existence of regional substate diplomacy (Criekemans 2010). But there is still no common agreement on a region's right to do so and, above all, on their scope of action. This question goes against what used to be the dominant approach in international relations, the state-centric approach that leads to the logic of speaking with one voice. Increasingly, a multilevel-governance approach has contested this state-centric view and proposes an alternative logic of multiple actors speaking with their voice, nuancing strongly the seminal distinction between "sovereignty-bound" and "sovereignty-free" actors (Rosenau 1990). From the 1970s, the world has seen the growing presence of sovereignty-free actors in international relations. Among these actors, non-central or, better, substate, governments of federal states have developed intensive foreign relations. These governments are using a range of techniques: from shaping the federal government's foreign policy to establishing themselves directly in the international arena (Blatter et al. 2008). For minority nation governments this is particularly a challenge, as they have to act internally – where they have developed full-fledged legislative powers within a multinational federation – and externally – where international and national laws are often still reluctant to recognise their right of action (Lejeune 2003). Yet some minority nations have thrived in developing their own international relations. Bavaria, Catalonia, Flanders, Quebec, Scotland and Wallonia are often seen as successful international players even if they are not fully sovereignty bound (Michelmann 2009; Criekemans 2010). The international actions of these minority nations have been characterised under the umbrella of "identity paradiplomacy" (Paquin 2003); that is, a willingness to use international relations to foster a nation-building process within a multinational state. This observation was particularly prevalent for minority nations strongly in competition with a federal government about their nationbuilding process, albeit for different reasons, namely Flanders, Quebec and Scotland (Paquin 2004). The case of Wallonia seems to fits less well into the identity paradiplomacy framework, which therefore raises the question of alternative roads to international relations. This is the core question of this chapter: is identity paradiplomacy the only way to go for minority nations? Quebec and Wallonia are both well known for their active foreign relations.

This open access book aims to elaborate on the legal prerequisites to establish the liability of corporations for transboundary environmental harm, not only by identifying existing liability rules, principles and standards but also by analysing their potential for further legal development. The authors consider international and transboundary liability law to currently be an underutilised tool for international environmental protection. The book seeks to address this by exploring what is needed in terms of legislative action and identifying options for judicial pliability, thereby providing an important legal contribution in furthering the development of an effective international and transnational environmental liability law regime.

"The original documentary sources of key British contributions to international law spanning the past 100 years are collected for the first time in this unique anthology (set of 4 books). These range from seminal writings of highly qualified British scholars of international law, judgments of British courts, opinions of British judges on international courts and tribunals and pleadings by British advocates; treaties concluded and statements made by the United Kingdom government, British contributions to international legal drafting, legislation and parliamentary debates; to an imaginative selection of other forms of literature.The Editors' introduction explains why, of all the multifarious British contributions, these are the ones that have had the most enduring impact upon the development of international law, from a global perspective. The sheer quality in these texts speaks for itself; these are the must-read and must-keep classic pieces for all interested in international law and the uniquely British contributions to it. Please also see the following related titles:- https://brill.com/view/title/26889 - British Influences on International Law, 1915-2015 https://brill.com/view/title/26680 - The Role of Legal Advisers in International Law"--

The relationship between the convention and constitutional law -- The relationship between the convention and international law -- Succumbing to penal populis -- Defending society from its enemies -- New forms of punishment -- Promoting internet as the new global market of ideas -- Defending the foundations of the European model of social state (Sozialstaalichkeit) -- Empowering migrants as citizens -- Judge-made law : is the case law coherent? -- Strasbourg consequential orders : words blown against the wind?

The participation of non-state actors to international politics has been investigated since the creation of international institutions. Yet, the rules, principles and norms of global governance are no more discussed in single, isolated institutions. Rather, with the proliferation of international regimes and organisations, international issues are now negotiated in a context of institutional interactions known as "regime complexes". This poses new questions, in particular on the negotiation burden that these new processes place on international actors. To answer this question, this contribution compares non-state participation in both contexts (single regimes and regime complexes), using the international forest negotiations as a case study. It uses quantitative methods to measure the negotiation burden of single regimes and compare it to the negotiation burden of regime complexes. The negotiation burden of single regimes is found insignificant with political interest being the major motivation for participation, while the negotiation burden of regime complexes is found relevant, requiring a certain type of material and organisational resources for non-state actors to participate. Yet a certain diversity of non-state representation is maintained within regime complexes, with non-governmental organisations being dominant with respect to business groups.

Klappentext: We are witnessing a worldwide resurgence of reactionary ideologies and movements, combined with an escalating assault on democratic institutions and structures. Nevertheless, most studies of these phenomena remain anchored in a methodological nationalism, while comparative research is almost entirely limited to the Global North. Yet, authoritarian transformations in the South - and the struggles against them - have not only been just as dramatic as those in the North but also preceded them, and consequently have been studied by Southern scholars for many years. This volume brings together the work of more than 15 scholar-activists from across the Global South, combining in-depth studies of regional processes of authoritarian transformation with a global perspective on authoritarian capitalism. With a foreword by Verónica Gago