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The aim of this study was to present private and official codifications concerning the topic of responsibility of international organizations. Moreover, it highlighted some controversial issues which occurred during the work of International Law Commission (ILC). The topic of responsibility of international organizations was analyzed both by private bodies such as Institute de Droit International and International Law Association and – as mentioned above – ILC. The efforts of Institute de Droit International resulted in a resolution on The Legal Consequences for Member States of the Non-fulfilment by International Organizations of their Obligations toward Third Parties. While in 1996 International Law Association studied these topics, a Committee on the Accountability of International Organizations was established. These private drafts paid attention of ILC to some legal issues which helped ILC to identify problems which require further discussion. After completion of its work on State responsibility in 2001, ILC decided to include the topic Responsibility of International Organizations in its work program. Mr G. Gaja was appointed the Special Rapporteur and in years 2003-2011 he presented eight reports which took into account the comments and observations received from governments and international organizations. In his reports he largely followed the model of Articles on State Responsibility for Internationally Wrongful Acts. In 2011 the Commission adopted the draft of 67 articles on Responsibility of International Organizations, divided into six parts. The Draft Articles aimed at codification of a set of secondary rules applicable to a wide range of international organizations. The codifications of rules on the responsibility of international organizations was a very difficult task due to diversity of international organizations, which differ in size, functions and competence. Furthermore, there is a lack of relevant practice that would allow to elaborate the principles relating to responsibility of international organizations. Nonetheless, the responsibility for international wrongful acts is the most important institution of international law irrespective of the subject which committed a wrongful act. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The author distinguishes threats to international security from challenges faced by the security policy of states and collective international actors but approaches them as a certain continuum. The following phenomena are considered threats and challenges in the second decade of the 21st century: military threats (nuclear weapons and their proliferation, conventional weapons and huge military spending), terrorism, other threats (cybernetic, economic and energy-related, ecological), as well as the migration challenge. A separate major challenge, which the author analyses in detail, is the reconfiguration of the international order that has been taking place for more than a decade now. The author believes that this reconfiguration constitutes a serious challenge to the West, including to its security policy. In order to take up this challenge, benefit from it and prevent the emergence of new threats to international security, the West needs to not only consolidate its security system but also engage in dialogue and cooperation with the emerging competitors and rivals challenging the West's global leadership (the emerging powers from BRICS), as the American political scientist Charles Kupchan proposed in 2010, emphasising that lasting peace can be achieved by turning enemies into friends. It is, however, uncertain what kind of foreign policy will be conducted by the new US President, Donald Trump, elected in November 2016.

There is no doubt that the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan is the most difficult operation in the history of NATO. 10‑years long international efforts to stabilize Afghanistan encounter strong Taliban resistance. Since years, NATO attempts to break this movement do not give the expected results. It is nowadays very, important as the outcome of the ISAF operation will have long‑term impact on the international security. To begin with, the result of this mission will affect the future shape and activity of the Atlantic Alliance. ISAF failure may result in reduction of NATO's role as a pillar of transatlanic security. Secondly, is fiasco may also have grave consequences for the political stability in Central Asia. Such countries as Turkmenistan, Tajikistan or Kyrgyzstan since years fight with the phantom of Islamic fundamentalism. If Afghanistan will be taken over by Taliban, these efforts may be doomed to failure. What is even more important, success of the NATO's mission is strongly connected with the internal situation of Pakistan. In the worst‑case scenario, the Pakistan government might be taken over by extremists, Finally, Afghanistan nowadays became a place of increased rivalry between several regional powers: India, Pakistan, Iran, China and Russia. This may cause several challenges for the international security in future. Therefore, the results of the NATO's International Security Assistance Force operation in Afghanistan will strongly affect the international security.

Artykuł wpisuje się w nurt badań dotyczących suwerenności państw w międzynarodowych organizacjach integracyjnych, w których uczestnictwo wiąże się z największymi ograniczeniami w zakresie kompetencji i autonomii państw, w porównaniu z udziałem w innego typu organizacjach. Zostaje wyjaśnione pojęcie suwerenności, zwracając uwagę na jej wymiar prawny i polityczny, jak również międzynarodowej organizacji integracyjnej, która występuje tylko w grupie organizacji regionalnych. Artykuł zawiera analizę zróżnicowanego, z punktu widzenia suwerenności, usytuowania państw w organizacjach integracyjnych, w których stosowane są nowego typu rozwiązania instytucjonalne, w tym ponadnarodowe. Badania odnotowują znaczące zróżnicowanie rozwiązań instytucjonalnych, pokazujące, że modele zastosowane w Europie nie znajdują uniwersalnego zastosowania. Widoczne jest odmienne podejście do suwerenności w procesach integracyjnych i organizacjach międzynarodowych na Zachodzie oraz wśród państw rozwijających się, które większą wagę przywiązują do ochrony i zabezpieczenia suwerenności w ramach organizacji. ; This article is one of many, which deal with research on state sovereignty in international integration organizations, where participation implies more limited autonomy and competition than in organizations of other types. The notion of sovereignty is being explained, pointing at its legal and political dimention, as well as of international integration organizations, which belong to a group of regional organizations only. This paper concerns the analysis of differentiated placement of states from sosvereignty point of view in the integration organizations, where new instruments have been implemented, including transnational ones. The research shows a considerable differentiation of institutional frameworks, meaning that their models introduced in Europe have no universal character. One can see different attitude towards the sovereignty notion in integration processes and in international organizations in the West as well as in developing countries, which focus mostly on sovereignty protection within the organization itself.

Artykuł wpisuje się w nurt badań dotyczących suwerenności państw w międzynarodowych organizacjach integracyjnych, w których uczestnictwo wiąże się z największymi ograniczeniami w zakresie kompetencji i autonomii państw, w porównaniu z udziałem w innego typu organizacjach. Zostaje wyjaśnione pojęcie suwerenności, zwracając uwagę na jej wymiar prawny i polityczny, jak również międzynarodowej organizacji integracyjnej, która występuje tylko w grupie organizacji regionalnych. Artykuł zawiera analizę zróżnicowanego, z punktu widzenia suwerenności, usytuowania państw w organizacjach integracyjnych, w których stosowane są nowego typu rozwiązania instytucjonalne, w tym ponadnarodowe. Badania odnotowują znaczące zróżnicowanie rozwiązań instytucjonalnych, pokazujące, że modele zastosowane w Europie nie znajdują uniwersalnego zastosowania. Widoczne jest odmienne podejście do suwerenności w procesach integracyjnych i organizacjach międzynarodowych na Zachodzie oraz wśród państw rozwijających się, które większą wagę przywiązują do ochrony i zabezpieczenia suwerenności w ramach organizacji. ; This article is one of many, which deal with research on state sovereignty in international integration organizations, where participation implies more limited autonomy and competition than in organizations of other types. The notion of sovereignty is being explained, pointing at its legal and political dimention, as well as of international integration organizations, which belong to a group of regional organizations only. This paper concerns the analysis of differentiated placement of states from sosvereignty point of view in the integration organizations, where new instruments have been implemented, including transnational ones. The research shows a considerable differentiation of institutional frameworks, meaning that their models introduced in Europe have no universal character. One can see different attitude towards the sovereignty notion in integration processes and in international organizations in the West as well as in developing countries, which focus mostly on sovereignty protection within the organization itself.

This article analyses the international conditions during the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It is an outline of a broad research problem, a historical analysis from the perspective of the decades-long evolution of Yugoslavia's international position. After its expulsion from the Eastern Bloc in 1948, the country balanced between East and West, becoming one of the founders and leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement. The author focuses on the aspect of Yugoslavia's role in the politics of the West, especially the US and the EEC, during and at the end of the Cold War. It was the West that could, possibly, have played a role in preventing the disintegration of the country in the early 1990s, in contrast to the USSR, which had its own internal problems at that time. What factors influenced Western support for the SFRY during the Cold War? How did Yugoslavia's position in Western politics change when the Cold War rivalry ended? The author points out the temporal connection between the disintegration of the SFRY and, among other things, the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union, the democratisation process in Eastern Europe, German reunification, European integration, and the crisis in the Middle East. In the end, there was a lack of real and coherent action by Western countries to bring about a peaceful solution to the crisis in the Balkans. The consequence of this would be the disintegration of the SFRY and several years of war in the former Yugoslavia.

This article deals with the concept of introducing international proverbs to the foreign language lesson. International proverbs can be a good way to improve language skills in at least two foreign languages with less effort by using the analogy between the languages. What is more the experience that the student gains by learning the first foreign language, can be used while learning the second and the next one. Moreover international proverbs, in regard of the European policy supporting multilingualism among the European citizens, help to achieve this goal. ; This article deals with the concept of introducing international proverbs to the foreign language lesson. International proverbs can be a good way to improve language skills in at least two foreign languages with less effort by using the analogy between the languages. What is more the experience that the student gains by learning the first foreign language, can be used while learning the second and the next one. Moreover international proverbs, in regard of the European policy supporting multilingualism among the European citizens, help to achieve this goal.

The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase. ; The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase.

The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.

The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.