THE MOLOTOV-RIBBENTROP PACT AND IMPERATIVE NORMS IN INTERNATIONAL LAW
In: Proceedings of the Estonian Academy of Sciences. Humanities and Social Sciences, Volume 39, Issue 2, p. 135
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In: Proceedings of the Estonian Academy of Sciences. Humanities and Social Sciences, Volume 39, Issue 2, p. 135
In: Proceedings of the Estonian Academy of Sciences. Humanities and Social Sciences, Volume 41, Issue 3, p. 175
In: Proceedings of the Estonian Academy of Sciences. Humanities and Social Sciences, Volume 39, Issue 2, p. 114
In: Proceedings of the Estonian Academy of Sciences. Humanities and Social Sciences, Volume 39, Issue 2, p. 121
In: Proceedings of the Estonian Academy of Sciences. Humanities and Social Sciences, Volume 39, Issue 2, p. 126
In: Proceedings of the Estonian Academy of Sciences. Humanities and Social Sciences, Volume 39, Issue 2, p. 103
In: Proceedings of the Estonian Academy of Sciences. Humanities and Social Sciences, Volume 33, Issue 4, p. 306
In: Bundesgesetzblatt. Teil 2, Issue 10, p. 445-453
ISSN: 2194-2005
World Affairs Online
- ; In critically important parts of the cold war era the Democratic Party was the steward of American foreign policy. But since September 11. 2001, the party has, however, mostly been a bystander to the major transformation of U.S. foreign policy carried out by the Bush administration. Will the party continue to play such a passive and reactive role or will it be able to formulate a coherent and realistic alternative the Bush foreign policy? Both the U.S. international behavior and world politics will be greatly affected by the outcome of the ongoing internal debate in the party. This paper takes a closer look at this debate and the various fractions that now compete for being the foreign policy face of the party. It is still too early to tell the outcome of this jockeying for power, and consequently the Bush administration will most likely continue as the dominant force behind American foreign policy.
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