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Although generally considered a tolerant or even an ultra-pacifistic religion,
contemporary Buddhism is far from being free from internal political-religious tensions.
The present article sketches three conflicts: the first is located within the Kagyüpaline
where two sub-currents argue about the legitimacy of the spiritual leader of the
school; the second refers to the controversy over Dorje Shugden, a protective deity whose veneration was declared dangerous by the Dalai Lama and other leaders of the Guelugpa-school in opposition to the defenders of this religious practice; the third one is the dispute over Soka Gakkai whose status as a modern representative of Nichiren Buddhism is questioned by other Japanese Buddhist groups. After having laid out the basic characteristics of the three conflicts the article deals with their impact on contemporary Brazilian Buddhism.

APRESENTAM-SE subsídios para o debate sobre políticas de migração internacional que já se estende para movimentos sociais de expressivos contingentes documentados e não-documentados nos principais países de destino. Recomendações de organismos internacionais defendem políticas migratórias em termos de direitos humanos e na supervisão de remessas, consideradas um dos aspectos positivos das migrações e auxílio no combate à pobreza dos países de origem. O contraponto com formulações teóricas sobre o fenômeno evidencia incoerências e inviabilidades dessas propostas se não forem articuladas com esforços para o desenvolvimento econômico e social dos países envolvidos. ; THE TEXT presents arguments for the debate concerning international migration policies; this debate, nowadays, involve social movements of increasing number of documented and undocumented migrants in the main destination countries. International organisms recommend migration policies based on human rights and remittances, considered as a way of reducing poverty in origin countries. Nevertheless, considering theoretical approaches and recent mass movements we can argue about the viability of the propositions as well as the necessity of also considering the structural conditions for the development efforts in these countries as a fundamental manner of combating poverty and improving their level of life.

A crise financeira não deveria chegar à América Latina, segundo a maioria dos economistas e governantes: o conjunto de indicadores de vulnerabilidade melhorou na maior parte dessas economias. No entanto, ela chegou e, à medida que os dias passam, anuncia-se cada vez mais severa. Os indicadores de vulnerabilidade, portanto, não são suficientes para estabelecer prognósticos confiáveis. É necessário combiná-los com indicadores de fragilidade mais confiáveis como a apreciação da taxa cambial, as desigualdades mais elevadas. Quanto piores forem esses indicadores, mais difícil será resistir à crise, e vice-versa. Como a crise nos países desenvolvidos adquiriu um caráter sistêmico e os indicadores de fragilidade não são muito bons, suas repercussões serão consideráveis nessas economias emergentes, apesar de indicadores de vulnerabilidade terem apresentado melhoras. ; Most economists and government leaders stated that the crisis was not going to reach Latin America; the indicators of vulnerability have improved in most of these economies. However, the crisis did reach the region and is looking increasingly severe as the days go by. The indicators of economic vulnerability alone cannot, therefore, establish reliable forecasts. More reliable indicators such as exchange rate appreciation and other high inequalities must also be taken into account. The worse these indicators are, the more difficult it is not to fall into the crisis, and vice-versa. In developed countries, the crisis has taken on a systematic character and the signs of fragility are worrying. Therefore, despite an improvement in the indicators of economic vulnerability, the crisis will have significant repercussions in emerging economies.