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In recent years, there has been an increase in the international activities of local governments in Turkey. Local governments conduct international activities by establishing sister city relations, becoming members of international organizations, and signing cooperation protocols, and memoranda of understanding/goodwill letters. The present study aimed to investigate the activities regarding the international activities of local governments in Turkey. In the study, lectures on international activities, following the description of theoretical, historical and legal backgrounds of international relations, the statistical data on the activities of local governments in Turkey are presented, and some observations and assessments were made through the information obtained from the relevant unit managers of six metropolitan municipalities in Turkey which have the strongest memberships in international organizations. As a result, it was determined that there has been an increase in the number of international activities of local governments in Turkey, memberships to these organizations have been effectively carried out, the municipalities have become a member of international organizations which are expected to benefit from, a purpose was determined by these municipalities before becoming a member, and these municipalities have become stakeholders of international organizations and have gained significant benefits through these joint projects.

Abstract This paper aims to reflect about the contradictions of international cooperation for development in Haiti that can be summarized in two perspectives: the North-South cooperation (NSC) and South-South cooperation (SSC). The dynamics of relationships can mix them (N-SSC). We identified governmental and nongovernmental particularly in health, linked to the OECD, the ALBA-TCP and UNASUR as empirical sources for reflection. The OECD privileges the perspective of NSC: commitment of developed nations with undeveloped. It operates mainly through NGOs. The ALBA-TCP and UNASUR have followed the perspective of SSC: commitment and solidarity among nations alike. They emphasize the horizontal partnership based on solidarity, respect for national sovereignty and peculiarities of each country. The resumption of the categories imperialism and internationalism may contribute to the understanding and analysis the contradictions in the international development agenda, illustrated by how these different actor in Haiti organize their actions. While the first one indicates bonding mechanisms geopolitical hierarchy, the latter suggests possibilities for overcoming these mechanisms. Key-words: International cooperation; Haiti; Imperialism; Internationalism; Organizational studies. Resumo Este artigo objetiva refletir sobre contradições da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento no Haiti, resumidas em duas perspectivas: cooperação Norte-Sul (CNS) e cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS). A dinâmica das relações pode misturá-las (CN-SS). Identificamos atores governamentais e não governamentais, na área da saúde, vinculados à OCDE, à ALBA-TCP e à UNASUL como fontes empíricas para a reflexão. A OCDE se orienta, predominantemente pela CNS, ou seja, pelo compromisso de assistência que os países desenvolvidos oferecem aos subdesenvolvidos. Opera principalmente através de ONGs. Nas ações da ALBA-TCP e da Unasul predominam a perspectiva da CSS: comprometimento solidário entre nações iguais. Enfatizam a parceria horizontal baseada na solidariedade, no respeito à soberania e peculiaridades de cada país. A retomada das categorias imperialismo e internacionalismo contribui para compreensão e análise das contradições na agenda internacional do desenvolvimento, ilustradas pelas formas mediante as quais esses diferentes atores organizam suas ações no Haiti. Enquanto as dos países da OCDE denotam mecanismos geopolíticos hierárquicos, as ações dos países vinculados à ALBA-TCP e da UNASUR sugerem possibilidades de superação desses mecanismos, buscando a cooperação genuína e autodeterminada. Palavras-chave: Cooperação internacional; Haiti; Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudos oganizacionais. Resumen En este artículo se reflexiona sobre las contradicciones de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo en Haití, resumidas en dos puntos de vista: cooperación Norte-Sur (CNS) y cooperación Sur-Sur (CSS). La dinámica de las relaciones pueden mezclarlos (CN-SS). Identificamos los actores gubernamentales y no gubernamentales, en la salud, de la OCDE, del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR como fuentes empíricas para la reflexión. La OCDE se orienta principalmente por la CNS, es decir, ofrecen asistencia a los países sudesarrollados. Opera principalmente a través de ONGs; en las acciones del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR predominan la perspectiva de CSS: el compromiso solidario entre naciones iguales. La énfasis és en la colaboración horizontal basada en la solidaridad, el respeto a la soberanía y las peculiaridades de cada país. La reanudación de las categorías imperialismo y internacionalismo contribuye a la comprensión y el análisis de las contradicciones en la agenda de desarrollo internacional, ilustrada por las formas en que los diferentes actores organizan sus acciones en Haití. Mientras que los países de la OCDE indican mecanismos geopolíticos jerárquicas, las acciones de los países vinculados al ALBA- TCP y UNASUR sugieren posibilidades para la superación de estos mecanismos, buscando la cooperación genuina y autodeterminada. Palabras-clave: Cooperación internacional; Haití, Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudios oganizacionales.

Mozambique's economy is at a turning point, and efforts to address governance and corruption vulnerabilities can have a lasting positive impact. The current levels of public debt have caused us to take a hard look at our governance and anti-corruption framework and have prompted various reforms to address the vulnerabilities exposed in this framework. In general, the problems in our society, and specifically corruption, have been examined in detail recently and are clearly macro-critical. 2 One study estimated the costs of corruption to Mozambique during the period 2002 to 2014 at up to USD 4.9 billion (approximately 30 percent of the 2014 GDP).3 The impact of these costs is widespread, affecting taxpayers, public service providers, the financial and private sector, as well as Mozambique's international reputation. 4 These costs are especially harmful at a time when our country has been hit by a series of shocks, notably the fall in commodity prices, drought, the withdrawal of donor budget support, and, more recently, Tropical Cyclones Idai and Kenneth. At the same time, Mozambique stands poised to reap significant revenues from natural resource reserves, and our duty as the government is to ensure the responsible stewardship of those funds for both current and future generations. By taking meaningful steps now to implement the governance and anti-corruption framework in an evenhanded, consistent, and effective manner, and to support efforts toward transparency and individual and institutional accountability, as the government, we can aim to achieve enduring results.

Este relatório, produzido pelo Grupo Consultivo presidido por Michelle Bachelet, constituído pela OIT com a colaboração da OMS afirma que cerca de 5,1 milhões de pessoas estão privadas de uma segurança social e proteção social adequadas, e que pouco mais de 15 por cento dos desempregados no mundo recebe subsídio de desemprego. O relatório estima ainda que os programas de proteção social podem agir como estabilizadores para atenuar o impacto negativo das crises económicas sobre o mercado de trabalho, contribuindo para manter a coesão social e estimular a procura interna

Terörizm, on yıllardır çeşitli tanımları yapılmasına rağmen devlet politikaları ve çıkar çevrelerince aynı durumun farklı zamanlarda farklı şekillerde tasvir edilmesinden dolayı net kabul görmüş bir tanıma sahip olamamıştır. Bütün devletler için tarih boyunca tehdit oluşturmuş bir kavram iken, tehdidin büyüklüğü ve önemi dünya coğrafyasınca ancak 11 Eylül saldırıları sonrasında anlaşılmıştır. Türkiye, teröre karşı mücadele eden ve bu konuda en çok acı çeken ülkelerin başında gelmektedir. Dünyada çok az ülke Türkiye kadar terör sorunu ile karşı karşıya kalmıştır. Göz ardı edilmemelidir ki, Türkiye'de terörizme karşı kazanılacak zafer, tüm dünyaya örnek olacak ve barış için en büyük bir adım teşkil edecektir. Bu çalışma, genelde dünya coğrafyasının büyük bir kısmının farklı sebep ve şekillerde de olsa maruz kaldığı terör ve terörizm kavramlarının tanımlanması ve terörizmin nedenleri, amaçları, özellikleri, çeşitleri ve terörün uluslararasılaşan boyutunu ele almış; özelde ise Türkiye'nin de yıllardır maruz kaldığı PKK Terör Örgütü'nün örgüt yapısı, ideolojisi, amaç-stratejisi, geçirdiği evreler incelenmiştir. Uluslararası boyut başlığı altında ise, Birleşmiş Milletler (BM), Avrupa Birliği (AB), Avrupa Konseyi Parlamenterler Meclisi (AKPM) Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi (AİHM) gibi uluslararası örgütlerin ve bazı ülkelerin yıllar itibariyle sergiledikleri PKK politikaları ve tutumları açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır. ; Although terrorism is defined for dozen of years in various ways it has not a clear definition acceptable due to it is described in different ways in different times by state policies and interest groups. While it is a concept posing a challenge for states it has been well undersood by the world after 11 September events. Turkey is a state who struggled with terrorism and felt pain in the world. There is no country in the world who suffered from terrorism as much as Turkey. It must be remembered that victory against terrorism will be a sample for all countries in the world and it will be the greatest step in the way of peace. This study deals with the definition of terrorism which major part of the world is subjected to with different reasons and reasons, aims, properties, types and the international dimension of the terror in particular PKK terror group to which Turkey is subjected to for years, with its structure, ideology, strategical aim and the steps of the event. In the international dimension title, policies and manners that is exposed by the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), international organisations such as Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) and European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), as well as some countries against PKK policies.