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Internationale Konferenz zum Zehnjährigen Bestehen des Instituts für Rechtsvergleichung der Universität Szeged
In: Acta Iuridica Universitatis Potsdamiensis 1
Civil Society for Sustainability: Experiences of an International Action Research
In: Társadalomkutatás, Volume 28, Issue 1, p. 109-120
ISSN: 1588-2918
Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP) - Issue Papers (Korean Language)
Publication years: 2018- (electronic)
Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP) - Research Papers (Korean Language)
Publication years: 2018- (electronic)
Work satisfaction in international comparison with special emphasis on the EU member states
In: Társadalomkutatás, Volume 32, Issue 1, p. 24-50
ISSN: 1588-2918
Civil Society for Sustainability: Experiences of an International Action Research Project – Part 2
In: Társadalomkutatás, Volume 29, Issue 2, p. 269-278
ISSN: 1588-2918
The publication performance of Hungarian universities in light of international university rankings: Challenges and possible solutions
In: Társadalomkutatás, Volume 32, Issue 4, p. 355-372
ISSN: 1588-2918
루소의 국제정치사상 재해석 ; Reinterpreting Rousseau's International Political Thought : Politics of Survival in Emile ; 『에밀』을 중심으로 본 생존의 정치학
학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :사회과학대학 정치외교학부(외교학전공),2019. 8. 박성우. ; The study of Rousseau's international politics can largely be divided into two main branches: Realism with a pessimistic view towards peace in international politics and Cosmopolitanism via education as depicted in Emile. However, neither interpretation exhaustively covers Rousseau's international political thought. Accepting the framework that International Political Thought should coherently and consistently interpret the individual, national, and international levels of politics, this thesis embodies Stoicism's 'Theory of Oikeiosis' to assess Rousseau's international political thought, focusing on Emile. This study pays attention to Emile because the study of humans embodied in the work contains both a discussion of all three layers – the individual, national and the international - of Rousseau's international political thought, and enough materials to infer his 'Politics of Survival.' Previous studies of Emile has primarily been published by cosmopolitans to invoke idealistic ideas such as conscience, morality, and patriotism. If put under a more realist lens, however, the same ideas could be interpreted as a part of living his life for Emile, or the individual, under the goal of self-preservation. Early in his life, Emile grows up with only negative education as an isolated individual and learns how to live alone. Later, Emile gradually learns how to interact with the society, breaking from his isolated shell to live as a part of a community. In this process, Emile establishes a political society and utilizes concepts that he garnered while in it, such as morality and religion, according to his goal of self-preservation. Although Emile fulfills his duties as a citizen of a Republic, ideas such as civic virtue and patriotism that were created within the country do not initially extend to the outside world. With time, however, Emile's world view expands to encompass the entire human population, and Emile comes to care for even communities outside of his direct community. When the idea of a confederation of countries to resolve the state of war outside of the community turns out to be unfeasible, Rousseau adopts a new solution for the international political situation which is for each individual to strive to do their best in the given situation such as by finding a safe place for his or her freedom of survival. This thesis scrutinizes Emile to depict this process, of the individual striving for survival beyond the community and extending to the nation, international politics, and the entire universe. This research interprets Rousseau's international political thought as 'International Political Thought of Survival' by repurposing cosmopolitan internal mechanisms as tools for survival, while also distinguishing itself from realism by underlining Rousseau's negative pacifism. As such, this thesis provides a balance between the cosmopolitan and realist interpretations of Rousseau's international politics and also attempts to bridge the rift between his national and international political thought by extracting 'survival' as a consistent idea embedded throughout the levels. Moreover, this study criticizes the realist international political theorists' arbitrary selection and selective interpretation of Rousseau and argues the need for a more diversified approach to Rousseau's international political thought. ; 루소의 국제정치관에 대한 연구는 크게 국제정치 상황에서 평화를 비관적으로 바라보는 현실주의와 『에밀』에서의 교육을 통해 국제적 평화를 이룰 수 있다는 세계시민주의의 두가지 갈래로 나눌 수 있다. 그러나 이러한 해석들이 가지는 문제점은 루소의 정치사상이 두 극단의 측면을 모두 지니고 있는 점을 포괄하기 어렵기에, 루소의 국제정치사상을 좀 더 잘 이해할 수 있는 모습으로 재해석할 여지를 준다. 특히 국제정치사상이 개인과 국가 그리고 국제정치의 일관성있는 해석을 가져야 한다는 틀에 입각하여, 스토아사상에서 비롯된 '자기화 이론'을 참고해 『에밀』을 중심으로 루소의 국제정치사상을 살펴본다. 본 연구가 『에밀』에 주목하는 이유는 이 저작에서 드러나는 인간학이 루소 국제정치사상의 여러 층위(개인-국가-국제관계)에 대한 논의를 모두 포함하고 있으면서, '생존의 정치학'을 설명하기에 적합한 내용을 담고 있기 때문이다. 흔히 『에밀』은 세계시민주의자들에게 주로 사용되어 양심이나, 덕성, 애국심 등의 관념을 이상주의적 관점으로 해석하는 데 활용된다. 그러나 『에밀』의 내용을 좀 더 현실주의적 차원에서 논의해본다면, 이들은 모두 자기보존이라는 목표 아래 에밀 개인이 삶을 살아내기 위한 과정의 일부로 볼 수 있다. 초기 에밀은 고립된 개인으로서 소극적 교육을 받으며 자라는데, 이동안은 혼자서 사는 법을 배운다. 이후 에밀은 점차 주변 사회와 관계하는 법을 배우게 되는데, 인간의 마음과 사회를 알아가면서 점점 고립된 인간을 지나 공동체에서 살아가는 법을 깨닫는다. 주변 사회를 알아가게 된 에밀은 정치공동체를 세우고 그 안에서 배운 도덕성과 종교 등의 관념을 자신의 생존방식에 맞게 사용한다. 공화국 내 시민이 된 에밀은 책임감으로 국가 내에서의 의무를 다하지만, 시민적 덕성이나 애국심 등 한 국가 안에서 만들어질 수 있는 관념들은 외부 세계까지 확장되지 않는다. 그렇지만 에밀의 세계관은 인류 전체를 포함하는 인식으로까지 확대되고, 에밀은 공동체 밖의 공동체를 신경쓰는 인간이 된다. 공동체 밖의 전쟁상태에서 국가적 연합은 하나의 해결책으로 제시되지만 이는 실현불가능한 것으로 판명나고, 루소의 국제정치적 해결책은 '생존의 자유'를 위해 가장 안전한 장소를 찾는 등 개인이 생존을 위해 계속적으로 주어진 바에서 최선을 다하는 노력의 방식을 채택하고 있다. 결과적으로 본 연구에서는 『에밀』을 통해 개인이 공동체를 넘어 국가와 국제정치 그리고 우주 전체를 아우르는 세계관 안에서 생존이라는 목표를 위해 달려가는 모습을 보여준다. 본 연구는 세계시민주의자들이 사용하는 내적 기제들을 생존을 위한 도구적 측면에서 활용하면서도, 소극적 의미의 평화론을 통해 현실주의와도 거리를 두며 '생존의 국제정치사상'으로 루소 국제정치사상을 재해석하고 있다. 이는 횡으로는 루소 국제정치관의 해석에 대한 중도적 균형을 잡으면서도, 종으로는 생존이라는 매개를 통해 국내정치와 국제정치 간의 균열을 메울 수 있는 가능성을 제시한다. 더불어 본 연구는 지금까지 현실주의 국제정치이론에서 루소의 정치사상을 부분적으로 인용해왔던 것에 대해 비판을 던지면서 루소 국제정치사상을 좀 더 다각적으로 접근할 필요가 있음을 주장한다. ; Ⅰ. 서 론 1 1. 문제제기와 연구질문 1 2. 기존문헌 검토 및 분석 3 1) 루소의 국제정치관에 대한 연구 3 2) 루소의 국제정치를 현실주의 관점에서 바라본 연구 7 3) 루소의 국제정치를 세계시민주의 관점에서 바라본 연구 9 4) 본 연구의 방향성: 루소의 국제정치사상 재해석 12 3. 본 연구의 접근법 14 1) 일관성의 국제정치사상 14 2) 스토아철학과 히에로클레스의 동심원 16 4. 논문의 구성 18 Ⅱ. 예비적 고찰 21 1. 『에밀』의 중요성과 해석방법 21 2. 생존의 정치학 25 Ⅲ. 개인에서 공동체로 31 1. 고립된 개인과 소극적 자유 31 1) 소극적 교육 31 2) 고독한 인간 33 2. 인간의 마음을 알아가는 것 35 1) 생존과 자기애 35 2) 사회를 알아가는 것 38 Ⅳ. 공동체 속의 개인 41 1. 도덕성과 종교의 역할 41 1) 동정심을 기반으로 한 양심과 이성의 작용 41 2) 도덕성과 종교의 관계 45 3) 정치공동체 안에서 일반의지의 역할 47 4) 정치와 종교 49 (1) 정치적 도구로서의 시민종교 50 (2) 입법과 통치에서의 종교 활용 52 2. 이상국가 속의 개인 55 1) 이상국가의 설립 가능성 55 2) 공화국과 시민적 덕성 58 3) 애국심과 세계시민주의 60 Ⅴ. 공동체 밖의 개인 64 1. 인식의 확장 64 1) 공동체 밖의 공동체 64 2) 우주적 질서에 대한 인식 66 2. 국가적 연합과 영구평화를 위한 해결책 69 3. 생존을 위한 계획 73 1) 가장 안전한 장소 73 2) 소극적 평화론과 생존의 의미 76 Ⅵ. 결 론 78 1. 생존의 국제정치사상 78 2. 본 연구의 목적과 함의 79 참고문헌 82 Abstract 88 ; Master
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Does context matter? A cross-country investigation of the effects of the media context on external and internal political efficacy (accepted manuscript at International Journal of Comparative Sociology)
As a motivational factor of action, political efficacy is an important predictor of political behaviour. The term was invented to capture the extent to which people feel that they can effectively participate in politics and shape political processes. Today, we have a comprehensive knowledge of the individual-level factors (socio-demographic variables, political preferences etc.) that shape the level of internal and external dimensions of political efficacy. However, while it is widely demonstrated that media consumption influences the level of political efficacy, the country-level media context factors affecting it have rarely been studied. This paper reports the findings of extensive research on how two crucial features of the media context, the political significance of the media and the level of political parallelism in the media system, shape the level of external and internal political efficacy. The investigation draws upon the dataset of the seventh round (2014 – 2015) of the European Social Survey (ESS) and includes more than twenty-two thousand respondents from nineteen European democracies. The research hypothesizes that in countries where the media play a more important role, people have lower levels of external and higher levels of internal political efficacy. Political parallelism, which shows the extent to which media outlets are driven by distinct political orientations and interests within a particular media system, is expected to directly increase both external and internal political efficacy. Its indirect effect is also hypothesized, arguing that partisan media amplifies the winner-loser gap in political efficacy as a kind of "echo chamber". The findings show that in countries where the media play a major role in shaping political discourse, people have lower levels of external political efficacy, while the political parallelism of the media system indirectly affects the external dimensions of political efficacy. Internal political efficacy is, however, not related to these context-level factors.
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INTEGRÁLÓ ERŐK LEHETŐSÉGE A NEMZETKÖZI RENDSZERBEN FOGALMI ALAPVETÉS
What we today call the international system was created by the West from early modern age. This term is often used in political theory, but less focused on how to classify integrative forces within the international system. In the context of this study, we are attempting to lay down some conceptual basis. How do we understand the linking and unifying factors within the international system? Initially, the emergence of the international system was largely attributed to political factors in theory, but we can also refer to other explanatory principles: one considers economic factors and civilizational factors are taken into consideration as essential aspects of the international structures. According to our viewpoint, inter-civilization dialogue seems to be a "third way" that goes beyond the expansive one-sidedness of Western universalism and the world-level confrontation of hostile civilizations. This "civilizational approach" incorporates the two previous aspects - economic and political - and this is what gives its importance. In our view, inter-civilization dialogue is the only viable way to create global ethos, and only the resulting "intellectual revolution" can make national and supranational economic and political institutions to operate in effective way under the conditions of globalization.
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How Britain's and Colombia's Privileged Partnerships with the United States Influenced Their Respective Journeys through the European Community and UNASUR
This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.
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