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Demonstrates that, as it has been implemented by international development agencies, the women in development (WID) regime, with its origins in modernist colonial discourses & discourses of the market, disempowers Third World women. Drawing on relevant literature, colonial discourses are described as privileging the economy, culture, society, & politics of European peoples & homogenizing & essentializing Third World peoples, particularly women. Moreover, the discourses of the market are taken to stress individualism & voluntary choice in a manner that disempowers Third World nations in the international political economy. It is shown that these discourses have been at the root of the WID regime as it has been implemented by the World Bank. The Third World women's, or empowerment, perspective is advocated as an alternative basis for development, because it is rooted in the concrete experiences of women & grassroots strategies of organization that do not essentialize or disempower the people it is trying to assist. D. M. Smith

Über 40 Jahre dominierte der bipolare Konflikt des Kalten Krieges durch das "Gleichgewicht des Schreckens" die Weltpolitik. Gemäß dem "realpolitischen" Dogma standen Fragen der Macht bzw. die der "glaubwürdigen Drohung" in Zentrum der außenpolitischen Strategieüberlegungen. Dieses klassische Paradigma (eternal paradigma) ist mit den Revolutionen von 1989 theoretisch und praktisch in Wanken geraten. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht diesen Erosionsprozeß für die deutsche Außenpolitik. Die Ausführungen zeigen, daß von einem entscheidenden Bruch und Abweichen vom (neo)realistischen Paradigma für die deutschen Eliten nur bedingt die Rede sein kann; die grundlegenden politisch-strategischen Kalküle blieben/bleiben die gleichen. Revisionen erfolgten bei taktischen Fragen und der Wahl des politischen Instrumentariums. Der Autor diskutiert die Vor- und Nachteile dieser Kontinuität der deutschen Außenpolitik seit dem Zusammenbruch des Kommunismus. (ICE)

Argues that the gradual enlargement of the European Union (EU) creates more trade than it diverts, & that it may serve as a model & catalyst of international economic & sociopolitical stability. Negotiations to expand the EU to include southern Mediterranean countries such as Cyprus, Malta, & Turkey, & eastern European countries such as Poland, Hungary, & the Czech Republic are reviewed, with particular attention paid to requisite economic reforms to ease adjustments to the EU market. It is suggested that the enlargement of the EU should continue as long as new members do not overload its budget. Thus, preference should be given to countries at a similar level of development & with homogeneous institutions. While the Maastricht Treaty has delayed enlargement, it is asserted that future prospects for continued expansion are excellent because the economic benefits for all concerned far outweigh any costs involved. 115 References. D. M. Smith

Argues that the Europe's failure to resolve the conflict in the former Yugoslavia raises serious concerns about the prospects for restoring stability in Europe. Nationalism is identified as the major difficulty in solving this crisis, a force that has gained strength throughout Europe. Strategic considerations of the major actors involved -- including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the European Union, the US, & Russia -- are discussed. It is asserted that while the end of the Cold War let loose nationalistic sentiment, it also opened opportunities for new forms of collective response to security & stability. A rationale for the major actors to pursue such collective effort is presented, & possible actions for dealing with ethnic tensions are considered. It is suggested that the cure for nationalist movements requires a comprehensive security framework combined with a protracted effort & patience. D. M. Smith

Since its founding in 1876, the Danish Red Cross (DRC) has undergone substantial changes in its operations, leadership, & member base. Moreover, the tasks undertaken by this organization in any given period have been necessarily dependent on the current mix of participants, problems to be dealt with, & available solutions. Yet how the DRC elects to perform a task in any given period is also determined in part by the identity, structure, & activity patterns that have already been established within the organization. Thus, new institutionalism can better account for the origin & transformations of the DRC than pluralism or neo-Marxism. M. Maguire

Argues that the logic of European integration stems from a combination of global processes of production & exchange & a form of political organization at the regional/supranational level. Further, it is suggested that the particular form of this political organization has been conditioned by the unique historical conjuncture of the division of Europe after WWII into East & West, thus emphasizing global politico-strategic considerations & the challenge posed to the power of the ruling classes in Western Europe by the radicalized working classes. The conventional theory of European integration is described as ahistorical, & thus unable to explain the logic & roots of European integration. The Marxist theory of integration is employed to examine this historical process, with the careful acknowledgement that this theory unduly privileges macroissues concerning the economy at the expense of microanalysis of political processes. Avenues toward synthesizing these approaches into a new, more nuanced theory of European integration are briefly discussed. D. M. Smith

Examines the political strategies that have led to the continuing integration of the European Union (EU) during the 1980s & 1990s. A prerequisite to these efforts is found in a series of institutional & procedural reforms -- eg, the majority voting procedure, the structure of the resource system, & the Court of Justice -- undertaken within EU institutions in the early 1980s. It is suggested that these reforms led to the passage of the Single European Act, in whose success the strategy of equivalence, the return of a majority voting procedure, & the principle of mutual interests played important roles. These successes, however, were only partly reflected in the Treaty of Maastricht, which has been plagued by a crisis of confidence in the concept of multilateralism & a resurgence of renationalization of policy making. Positive & negative assessments of the new process of complex integration in light of this climate are made. Finally, it is asserted that future integration will take the form of one of two scenarios: either a consolidation of Maastricht, or its quick & sharp revision. D. M. Smith

Examines the origins & steady expansion of powers of the European Parliament (EP) in the postwar period. Originating as the Common Assembly of the European Coal & Steel Community in 1950, the EP is described as traditionally suffering from a democratic deficit in which its weak legislative & control powers have created a gap between its democratic practice in theory vs in reality. The EP's strategy to expand its decision-making powers in the 1980s, culminating in the Single European Act, is reviewed, & it is suggested that its greatest success has been to expand the domain of its debates, investigations, & own-initiative reports. The further expansion of the EP's powers after the Maastricht Treaty is described as the movement from seeking cooperation with member governments to attaining the right of codecision. Finally, it is suggested that if the EP is to continue to expand its legislative role, it must continue to be innovative, flexible, & persuasive. D. M. Smith

Historical analysis of the Copenhagen Business School (CBS) reveals that the current mix of institutional models has emerged in seven partially overlapping phases: the private business school (1917-1951), the public organization (1951-1965), the university (1961-1975), the political organization (1970-1974), reinforcement of the political organization (1974-1985), revival of the private organization, & creation of the international business school (1985-present). The CBS's incorporation of five different institutional models -- private, public, university, political, & international -- is explained in terms of two factors that have mutually affected each other over time: the historical introduction of different institutional models & the promotion of contestation of various institutional models by various social actors. 1 Table. M. Maguire

Examines the emergence of Hong Kong's new rich class & explores its political, economic, social, & international implications, drawing on the literature. This new group, including members of the capitalist & middle classes who have emerged from the process of industrialization since the 1960s, is categorized into four types: local bourgeoisie, local middle-class liberals, local middle-class nationalists, & mainland Chinese bourgeoisie. Politically, the rise of the new rich has contributed to the emergence of pluralism in Hong Kong. However, because Hong Kong is increasingly tied economically to the People's Republic of China, its politics in the future will likely be shaped by China's political & economic circumstances. The social liberalization brought about by the middle class is also likely to be tempered by China's authoritarian political system. However, China's influence over postcolonial Hong Kong may be kept in check by international concern over Hong Kong's future. D. M. Smith