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U radu se analizira djelovanje dviju temeljnih međunarodnih organizacija - Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda - uključenih u razdoblje Domovinskog rata, tj. razdoblje stvaranja samostalne hrvatske države (1991.-1995.). Djelovanje tih organizacija analizira se u dvostrukom smislu - u širem kontekstu te na primjeru konkretne regije (zapadna Slavonija). Rad predstavlja prvu znanstvenu analizu djelovanja Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda u Hrvatskoj 1991.-1995. (s posebnim naglaskom na provedbu koncepta mirovne operacije Ujedinjenih naroda). ; The paper analyzes the effects of two fundamental international organizations - the European Community and United Nations - involved in the war period, ie the creation of an independent Croatian state (1991.-1995.). Effect of the above organizations is analyzed in a double sense - in a broader context and the specific example of the region (Western Slavonia). The work represents the first scientific analysis action of the European Community and the United Nations in Croatia, 1991.-1995. (with special emphasis on the implementation of the concept of peacekeeping operations of the United Nations).

Through the public procurement rules, protection of competition, equality of choice & transparency of the procedure in relationships between the public & private sectors are provided, to the greatest extent possible, in the EU rules. All the contractual relationships between the public & private sectors cannot be subject to strict & formal rules on public procurement primarily due to the special nature of business operations, complexity & duration of the relationships. Concessions or public-private partnerships of a concessionary nature are excluded from the legal regime that applies to public procurement. This paper analyses the contractual relationships of the concessionary nature & the EU efforts for ensuring a certain degree of equal treatment of private partners entering into public-private partnerships. Adapted from the source document.

The article puts forward an answer to the following question: why is Iran, thirty years after the 1979 revolution, still at the center of world politics, & why is it, on top of that, a legitimate candidate for the status of one of global powers in the new, multi-polar international order. The author stresses that Iran has been the main obstacle to global ambitions of liberal democracy since 1989, & that it has developed a specific ideological & political system based on the idea of theocratic-republican dualism. Furthermore, after the end of the Cold War, it was convenient to the West to have Iran as the Antagonistic Other (and vice versa). The relative American failure in the war against Iraq (2003-) opened up for Iran the options of connecting on a wider basis with Russia, China, Venezuela & the countries of "Old Europe" (Germany & France). Since the relatively prosperous neighboring countries -- China & the four Asian tigers -- are also founded on dualistic principles, Iran did not have to be liberalized in the way that Eastern Europe was liberalized after the Cold War. As the author concludes, the election of Barack Obama for American president presents a new opportunity to normalize relations between Iran & the West, but the opportunity will be seized only if the USA is willing to accept the multi-polarity of international relations & to renounce the doctrine of liberal interventionism. Regardless of the outcome, however, there is still a very real danger of a conflict between Israel & Iran. Adapted from the source document.

Foreign policy & diplomatic skills played a key role in the survival & development of the Dubrovnik Republic for more than four & a half centuries. Throughout the period, the Dubrovnik Republic had foreign-policy sovereignty, which was manifest in the fact that it autonomously decided upon its relations with other states (including recognition of other states), signed international contracts, & established & maintained diplomatic & consular relations. Through timely awareness of the advantages of their geopolitical position & through their orientation towards the sea, the people of Dubrovnik entered into numerous international political & trade relations, both with countries in their continental background & with countries throughout, & beyond, the Mediterranean. They were able to assess & utilize such geopolitical & other relevant characteristics wisely & skillfully in the defense of their independence, sovereignty & economic growth, resorting almost exclusively to diplomatic means & diplomatic skill. The Dubrovnik foreign policy was based on the principle of remaining neutral in international conflicts & of stressing its position of the last Christian enclave in south-eastern Europe. As a small country with no military force, Dubrovnik managed to survive by seeking protection of powerful states, such as the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, the Pope, the Spanish King and, finally, Turkey. In spite of the fact that first the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, & then Turkey, provided it with "supreme protection," the Dubrovnik Republic succeeded in establishing & preserving for centuries all relevant components of state sovereignty. Adapted from the source document.